胡錦濤全退樹新風 難掩老人政治憂疑

<轉載自2012年11月16日 明報 社評>

 

中共這次權力交替，胡錦濤不戀棧權位，全面退出中共權力核心，為權力交替制度樹立新榜樣，此外，新任總書記習近平率領其他6名常委與新聞界見面時的一番講話，走出黨八股窠臼，以平實語言與人民溝通，宣揚理念，這兩件事都值得關心國家前途的人寬慰。然而，今次十八大會議有一個特色，就是老人政治盤旋會場，連執掌最高權力的7名常委，人選也盡多老人政治，特別是中共元老江澤民的影子。若老人政治盤旋不去，十八大之後，中共會否推動改革以應付新形勢的需要，是檢視中國前景的重要指標。

 

常委多江澤民屬意老人政治禍福難料

 

這次中共十八大會議揭幕之日，進場時，86歲的江澤民與胡錦濤走在前面，其他人在一段距離後跟進，加上江澤民的座位在前排正中位置，相對而言，胡錦濤反而顯得靠邊而坐。在重視排位、座次的中共官場，江澤民地位突出，人皆見之。另外，除了江澤民，主席台上還坐了12名前任常委，相對於當時的9名在任常委，在數量上有優勢。雖然，按敬老尊賢傳統，中共開大會邀請前任常委出席，是正常安排，即使他們出席了，也不等於全部都發揮餘熱，影響黨政，不過，江澤民正在呼風喚雨，台上的老人常委，觀感上予人有為江澤民助拳的效果。

 

常委9名減至7名，被認為胡錦濤嫡系的只有李克強，除了習近平，其他5人被認為是江澤民屬意的人，或是起碼不是胡錦濤的人，日後在常委的影響力，幾可肯定胡錦濤遠遜江澤民。特別是被視為「團派」大將的李源潮和汪洋，形象較開明和傾向改革，都無緣「入常」，若缺少開明改革元素的常委會，就是老人政治的結果，其遺害可見一斑。

 

除了江澤民，不知道還有多少公公婆婆對朝政指手劃腳，老人政治，中國受過深刻教訓。上世紀80年代，老人政治以反對資產階級自由化、清除精神污染等名目，逼退胡耀邦，使他從總書記職位下來，當時所謂的「八老治國」，直至1989年六四事件之後，都在發揮作用，是老人政治的極致表現，結果是中國經歷了一場民族災難。新時期的老人政治，在內地面對深重結構問題中「發光發熱」，中國將被推向怎樣的局面，使人難以釋懷。

 

「老人政治」也反映在7名常委的年齡結構，除了習近平（59歲）、李克強（57歲），其他5人介乎64至67歲之間，若按常委不超過68歲的規定，正常情况下，他們5年之後都要引退，屆時常委大換血，與常委一貫10年人事穩定的安排不同。由此可見，十八大的權力安排，盡多不正常和違背常理、常規之處，若此乃反映老人政治的結果，則遺害從一開始就埋下了。

 

另外，新任常委之中，王岐山的專長在經濟和財金領域，近年更是就此與美國周旋的主要戰將，但是，他在常委分管中紀委工作。雖然掃除貪污腐敗，端正黨風，是中共其中一項重中之重工作，不過，在金融海嘯後遺症還在發展和深化之際，把王岐山這名老手調離經濟戰線，出掌中紀委，是否亂點鴛鴦譜？有說法，王岐山掌中紀委，以他與太子黨的關係，富人和紅色家族可以安心和放心了，因為他們的利益會得到照顧云云。不知道這個說法是否真確，但是，若為穩住一些既得利益而罔顧大局，就絕不恰當。

 

胡錦濤全退不戀棧高風亮節值得讚揚

 

老人政治給中共十八大蒙上陰影下，胡錦濤全退，不戀棧權力，未仿效江澤民交出黨政權力之後續任中央軍委主席，即時讓習近平掌握軍權。胡錦濤這個抉擇得到廣泛肯定和讚揚，他主政10年，在政治體制改革方面交了白卷，但是他任滿「到站下車」之舉，為後來者立下榜樣，建立一個全退的交班制度，是在躬親力行改革，這個做法將使他名垂青史。相對於當年江澤民續掌中央軍委，挾軍隊以號令黨，胡錦濤的全退，顯得高風亮節，特別是在老人政治主導的十八大，江澤民顯露出來的權傾天下架勢，胡錦濤此舉不但使自己的形象頓時高大起來，往後的日子，更會成為「團派」珍貴的政治資產。

 

另外，胡錦濤全退了，若江澤民仍然垂簾聽政，人民將會怎麼想？所以，胡錦濤若能帶動江澤民一起退出，確切遵守「不在其位，不謀其政」的政治倫理，讓新一代領導集體充分發揮，則兩人的歷史評價都會不一樣。當然，最壞情况是胡錦濤退了，江澤民繼續指點江山，即使如此，也無任何力量可以反制，這是中國現况最可悲之處。

習近平名義上大權在握，若老人政治纏繞不去，能否舒展抱負，且看他的能耐。令人可喜的是，他昨日對中外記者發表的講話，並無黨八股，以人民聽得懂的語言詞彙，宣示理念，與人民溝通，從形式和內容，都有新意。此外，他的講話對人民念兹在兹，強調「人民對美好生活的嚮往，就是我們的奮鬥目標」，同時表示要着力解決黨內貪污腐敗、脫離群衆、形式主義和官僚主義等問題。這些話，都說到人民的心坎去了。若平實的講話確切反映習近平的施政作風，雖然面對較多掣肘和局限，仍然期望他體現「權為民所賦」的精神，推動改革，善待人民，為人民謀福祉。

Editorial

Hu's retirement
 

A POWER SHIFT has taken place in the Communist Party of China (CPC). Disinclined to cling to any official post, Hu Jintao has pulled himself clean out of the CPC nucleus of power. He has by doing so set an example and helped establish a convention of power transfer. Furthermore, what Xi Jinping, the CPC's new general secretary, said when he and the other six members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC met the press is a far cry from stereotyped Party rhetoric. He addressed the people and expressed his ideas in plain language. Both would console those who concern themselves with the nation's future. However, a characteristic of the 18th national congress of the CPC was that gerontocrats swarmed in the hall where it was held. Even the seven who now sit on the highest organ of power are mostly gerontocrats.

 

When leaders entered the hall where the congress was held the day it began, Jiang Zemin, 86, was followed by Hu Jintao, and they were followed at a distance by others. Furthermore, Jiang was seated in the middle of the front row. Hu therefore seemed sidelined.

 

Gerontocracy is also evidenced by the ages of the seven members of the Standing Committee. Xi and Li Keqiang are respectively 59 and 57, but the others are aged between 64 and 67. As it is a rule that none aged above 68 may sit on it, they will have to retire in five years if nothing untoward happens. Most of them will then have to be replaced. This would be a change because the composition of the Standing Committee is as a rule kept unchanged for a decade. Clearly, many power-shift arrangements made at the 18th congress are anomalous, irregular and unconventional. If they are proof of gerontocracy, the seeds of harm have been sown at the outset.

 

Though the 18th congress was clouded by gerontocracy, Hu has relinquished power instead of clinging to it. Unlike Jiang, when he handed over power, he gave up his chairmanship of the Central Military Commission of the CPC to allow Xi immediate control of the armed forces. This decision of his has won him much praise. He has achieved nothing in the reform of China's political structure since he came to power ten years ago. However, he has, by "alighting at his journey's end", set an example that would help establish a convention of "total retirement". His effort to introduce such a reform will go down in history. After he had stepped down as CPC general secretary, Jiang remained chairman of the Central Military Commission of the CPC and, relying on his control of the armed forces, ordered the Party about. By contrast, Hu's "total retirement" points to his noble character and sterling integrity. Not only has this move instantly lent him stature, but it will also become the Youth League faction's precious political asset, especially because Jiang behaved as if he were the most powerful man in the realm at the 18th congress (which gerontocrats dominated).

 

What will people think if Jiang continues to attend to state affairs "from behind a screen" when Hu is no longer in power? If Hu persuades Jiang also to retire totally (according to the rule of political ethics that only the holder of an office should busy himself with the business of it) so that the new leadership will have free rein, historians will appraise both differently. The worse scenario is of course that Jiang continues to have a finger in the government pie though Hu has retired. However, even if he does so, none can do anything about it. That is what is most lamentable about things in China.

Xi is now nominally in power. It depends on his ability whether he can achieve his ambitions though gerontocracy persists. Yesterday, when he addressed a press conference which reporters from the mainland and other places attended, he used language comprehensible to ordinary people (as opposed to stereotyped Party rhetoric) to express his ideas and communicate with the people. What he said is new in substance as well as in form. His plain language may mirror his style of government. We hope that, though he will be faced with many limitations and restrictions, he will, in the spirit of "being empowered by the people", introduce reforms, treat the people well and work for their wellbeing.

 

明報社評2012.11.16﹕胡錦濤全退樹新風 難掩老人政治憂疑

 

中共這次權力交替，胡錦濤不戀棧權位，全面退出中共權力核心，為權力交替制度樹立新榜樣，此外，新任總書記習近平率領其他6名政治局常委與新聞界見面時的一番講話，走出黨八股窠臼，以平實語言與人民溝通，宣揚理念，這兩件事都值得關心國家前途的人寬慰。然而，今次十八大會議有一個特色，就是老人政治盤旋會場，連執掌最高權力的7名常委，人選也盡多老人政治。

 

這次中共十八大會議揭幕之日，進場時，86歲的江澤民與胡錦濤走在前面，其他人在一段距離後跟進，加上江澤民的座位在前排正中位置，相對而言，胡錦濤反而顯得靠邊而坐。

 

「老人政治」也反映在7名常委的年齡結構，除了習近平（59歲）、李克強（57歲），其他5人介乎64至67歲之間，若按常委不超過68歲的規定，正常情况下，他們5年之後都要引退，屆時常委大換血，與常委一貫10年人事穩定的安排不同。由此可見，十八大的權力安排，盡多不正常和違背常理、常規之處，若此乃反映老人政治的結果，則遺害從一開始就埋下了。

 

老人政治給中共十八大蒙上陰影下，胡錦濤全退，不戀棧權力，未仿效江澤民交出黨政權力之後續任中央軍委主席，即時讓習近平掌握軍權。胡錦濤這個抉擇得到廣泛肯定和讚揚，他主政10年，在政治體制改革方面交了白卷，但是他任滿「到站下車」之舉，為後來者立下榜樣，建立一個全退的交班制度，是在躬親力行改革，這個做法將使他名垂青史。相對於當年江澤民續掌中央軍委，挾軍隊以號令黨，胡錦濤的全退，顯得高風亮節，特別是在老人政治主導的十八大，江澤民顯露出來的權傾天下架勢，胡錦濤此舉不但使自己的形象頓時高大起來，往後的日子，更會成為「團派」珍貴的政治資產。

 

另外，胡錦濤全退了，若江澤民仍然垂簾聽政，人民將會怎麼想？所以，胡錦濤若能帶動江澤民一起退出，確切遵守「不在其位，不謀其政」的政治倫理，讓新一代領導集體充分發揮，則兩人的歷史評價都會不一樣。當然，最壞情况是胡錦濤退了，江澤民繼續指點江山，即使如此，也無任何力量可以反制，這是中國現况最可悲之處。

 

習近平名義上大權在握，若老人政治纏繞不去，能否舒展抱負，且看他的能耐。令人可喜的是，他昨日對中外記者發表的講話，並無黨八股，以人民聽得懂的語言詞彙，宣示理念，與人民溝通，從形式和內容，都有新意。若平實的講話確切反映習近平的施政作風，雖然面對較多掣肘和局限，仍然期望他體現「權為民所賦」的精神，推動改革，善待人民，為人民謀福祉。

 

 

中國共產黨架構。