中環西環有分際 「行埋一齊」須合度

<轉載自2018年1月16日 明報 社評>

「中環西環行埋一齊幾好。」中聯辦主任王志民一句話，引來不少聯想。香港與內地交流日趨頻繁，一帶一路、大灣區建設等均需要與內地緊密協作，中聯辦加緊協助特區與內地部門溝通，履行職責促進兩地聯繫合作，自無不可，關鍵是「中環」和「西環」必須緊記角色分際，行事謹慎合度，不應找人代勞，不可越俎代庖，避免令人覺得「行埋一齊」等於「攜手治港」。

中聯辦助兩地合作 拿揑不慎易惹質疑

過去20年，中聯辦在港角色變化顯著。中聯辦的主要職責，是聯繫本港各界人士，促進香港與內地在經濟、教育、科學、文化等領域交流合作，以及支持特區政府依法施政。回歸初期，中聯辦行事低調，避免談論本港事務，時任中聯辦主任姜恩柱更形容，香港是一本很難讀懂的書。2003年50萬人遊行反對23條立法後，中央認為香港管治出了問題，需要一定程度參與「協助」，開始調整對港政策。2005年曾蔭權接任行政長官後，特區政府開始尋求中聯辦協助「聯絡」立法會議員，變相由中聯辦代勞向議員「拉票」，惹來「西環治港」質疑。

特區政府的基本責任，是好好向立法會解釋政策並爭取支持，此事不應假手於人，「拜託」中聯辦出手，實際是改寫了整個政治遊戲規則，既令特區政府權威下墮，亦令中聯辦角色出現質變，介入本港政治事務愈來愈深，除了多番協助曾蔭權和梁振英政府「箍票」，在立法會選舉亦可見到中聯辦身影。這樣的政治生態一旦形成，要改變並不容易。雖然林鄭月娥就任特首後，承諾改變前朝陋習，不再尋求中聯辦協助拉票，然而中聯辦政治影響力累積多年，一舉手一投足都可以發揮巨大作用，就算中聯辦想避免在幕後施為，一些人為求達到政治目的，亦可能主動「叩門」。

王志民一句「中環西環行埋一齊幾好」，惹來各方關注，原因亦在於此。回顧過去3個月工作，王志民表示中環西環走在一起，是為香港、為國家、為青年日後發展做事，有人說「中環西環行埋一齊幾好」，道出了他與特首林鄭月娥的心聲，「我們以後一定會愈做愈多，一定會愈多行埋一齊，愈多的成果讓大家看」。十九大後，中央推動香港加速融入國家發展大局，無論是一帶一路還是大灣區建設，香港均有重要角色，若能好好把握機遇，對香港和國家均有好處。王志民說「行埋一齊」，本意也許是想強調中聯辦配合特區政府，為香港加強與內地合作鋪橋搭路，可是聽進一些港人耳裏，卻有可能再度勾起「西環治港」的擔憂。

減少港人疑惑不安 行埋一齊需作說明

中聯辦角色敏感特殊，王志民這番說話甚為高調，還不經意將林鄭「拖落水」，強調「行埋一齊幾好」是他和林鄭的共同心聲，港人難免想了解林鄭的看法，希望弄清楚「行埋一齊」是指哪些方面、具體分工如何安排、合作有何準則、哪方主動哪方被動、若有觀點分歧又會怎樣處理。凡此種種，林鄭和中聯辦不妨多作解說，以免港人感到疑惑和不安。

近年中聯辦官員在港相當活躍，不時出席公開活動，也經常與各界人士溝通接觸。中聯辦履行職責，了解民情多聽意見，本是正常不過的事，然而由於中聯辦政治影響力無形有實，一言一行拿揑稍欠精準，很容易惹來種種猜度。近日港大校長馬斐森談到，所有大學領導人都與中聯辦有聯絡，與中聯辦溝通是「工作一部分」。雖然馬斐森強調，在任期間感受到來自「所有人」的壓力，包括不同光譜政治人物，可是外界普遍都將焦點放在中聯辦身上，反映中聯辦行事需要格外慎重。「港獨」思潮在大學發酵，中聯辦官員表達關注，可說是情理之內，惟對於校政事務，必須恪守不干預原則。若有大學校長覺得不妥當，亦應清晰提出異議。

中聯辦官員關心港事，需要留意港人反應，一句話稍稍過了火位，「表達意見」有可能被視為「下達指示」甚或「政治干預」；一些看似無心的安排，也可能惹來「矮化」特區官員的猜疑。近年特區政府與中聯辦官員一同出席公開活動，排序安排往往以中聯辦官員為主，予人觀感是特區政府官員僅屬「配角」。有關安排也許只是主辦當局刻意逢迎，與中聯辦官員無關，然而也恰恰反映愈來愈多港人認為中聯辦才是「主事人」。無論是特區政府、中聯辦還是香港社會各界，對於這類細節安排，都應該有更多的自覺，避免令市民覺得西環是凌駕中環的真正權力核心。

Central and Sai Wan

"IT is not bad for Central and Sai Wan to walk together," said Wang Zhimin, director of Beijing's Liaison Office in Hong Kong, provoking a lot of thoughts.

Over the past twenty years, there has been a significant change in the role played by the Liaison Office. The office's main responsibilities are liaising with people from different sectors in Hong Kong; promoting interaction and cooperation between Hong Kong and the mainland in areas such as the economy, education, science and culture; and supporting the SAR government in its administration in accordance with the law. The office adopted a low profile in the early years after the handover, and generally shied away from commenting on domestic affairs. Jiang Enzhu, the then director of the Liaison Office, said Hong Kong was a difficult book. After 500,000 people took to the street in 2003 to oppose Article 23 legislation, the central government came to the conclusion that the administration of Hong Kong had gone awry, and that it had to offer a certain degree of "assistance". Thus it began to adjust its policies towards Hong Kong. After Donald Tsang succeeded as Chief Executive in 2005, the SAR government began to seek the office's assistance in "liaising with" some Legislative Councillors. That had the effect of the Liaison Office working on lawmakers' behalf to garner votes, leading to accusations that it was Sai Wan that was ruling Hong Kong.

The SAR government has a basic responsibility for properly explaining policies to the Legislative Council and striving for its support. That it should not entrust to others. To request the Liaison Office to assist in this task is to rewrite all the political ground rules. Not only will this cost the SAR government its authority, but this will also induce a change in the office role, as a result of which it will meddle in Hong Kong affairs deeper and deeper. Apart from repeatedly helping Donald Tsang and Leung Chun Ying secure votes for the government, the office has also weighed in on Legco elections. It is difficult to change such a political ecology now that it has come into being. After she took office, Carrie Lam promised to right the wrongs of the past administrations rather than continue to seek the office's help in securing votes. However, given the fact that the office has accumulated its political influence for years, everything it does produces extraordinary effects. Even if it tries to stay behind the scenes, some people, trying to achieve their political aims, might visit the office on their own initiative nevertheless.

Officials from the Liaison Office might be concerned about Hong Kong affairs. But they have to pay attention to Hong Kong people's reactions. Any comment that oversteps the mark might come to be regarded as an "instruction" or "political interference" rather than "a comment". Some arrangements, though innocuous, might lead to suspicions of being intended to upstage SAR government officials. In recent years, public events jointly attended by SAR government and Liaison Office officials have often been arranged in such a way that the Liaison Office officials played a leading role, giving an impression that SAR government officials were merely their sidekicks. Perhaps that has happened simply because the organisers were trying to be sycophantic, and that has had nothing to do with Liaison Office officials themselves. But that shows more and more Hong Kong people have come to view the Liaison Office as the one in charge. The SAR government, Liaison Office and different sectors of Hong Kong society should pay more attention to such subtleties to prevent leaving ordinary citizens the impression that Sai Wan is at the real core of power and overrides Central.

中環西環有分際 「行埋一齊」須合度

「中環西環行埋一齊幾好。」中聯辦主任王志民一句話，引來不少聯想。

過去20年，中聯辦在港角色變化顯著。中聯辦的主要職責，是聯繫本港各界人士，促進香港與內地在經濟、教育、科學、文化等領域交流合作，以及支持特區政府依法施政。回歸初期，中聯辦行事低調，避免談論本港事務，時任中聯辦主任姜恩柱更形容，香港是一本很難讀懂的書。2003年50萬人遊行反對23條立法後，中央認為香港管治出了問題，需要一定程度參與「協助」，開始調整對港政策。2005年曾蔭權接任行政長官後，特區政府開始尋求中聯辦協助「聯絡」立法會議員，變相由中聯辦代勞向議員「拉票」，惹來「西環治港」質疑。

特區政府的基本責任，是好好向立法會解釋政策並爭取支持，此事不應假手於人，「拜託」中聯辦出手，實際是改寫了整個政治遊戲規則，既令特區政府權威下墮，亦令中聯辦角色出現質變，介入本港政治事務愈來愈深，除了多番協助曾蔭權和梁振英政府「箍票」，在立法會選舉亦可見到中聯辦身影。這樣的政治生態一旦形成，要改變並不容易。雖然林鄭月娥就任特首後，承諾改變前朝陋習，不再尋求中聯辦協助拉票，然而中聯辦政治影響力累積多年，一舉手一投足都可以發揮巨大作用，就算中聯辦想避免在幕後施為，一些人為求達到政治目的，亦可能主動「叩門」。

中聯辦官員關心港事，需要留意港人反應，一句話稍稍過了火位，「表達意見」有可能被視為「下達指示」甚或「政治干預」；一些看似無心的安排，也可能惹來「矮化」特區官員的猜疑。近年特區政府與中聯辦官員一同出席公開活動，排序安排往往以中聯辦官員為主，予人觀感是特區政府官員僅屬「配角」。有關安排也許只是主辦當局刻意逢迎，與中聯辦官員無關，然而也恰恰反映愈來愈多港人認為中聯辦才是「主事人」。無論是特區政府、中聯辦還是香港社會各界，對於這類細節安排，都應該有更多的自覺，避免令市民覺得西環是凌駕中環的真正權力核心。