判薄政治死刑 習李用心良苦

<轉載自2013年9月23日 明報 社評>

薄熙來案一審終於宣判，他被判處無期徒刑，即終身監禁，並剝奪政治權利終身、剝奪全部個人財產。判刑的輕重姑且不論，但此判決在政治上宣告了薄熙來今後在政治上的「死刑」殆無疑義。薄熙來案在內地司法審判方面展現了力圖公開透明的進步方面，遺憾的是，當局出於對內地政治現實的維穩考量，未能充分利用審薄來徹底追究其破壞法治的罪行，浪費了一次在中國政壇釐清是非、撥亂反正的良機。

庭審公開顯示進步 值得鼓勵

不可否認，濟南市中級人民法院在今次薄熙來案的庭審中，採取了微博播報的形式，並在播報中對被告薄熙來的自辯和律師辯護，作有限度的「實錄」，這在過往的高級官員貪腐案中，都是前所未有的，從法律公開的角度看，這種進步是值得讚賞的，儘管還有不足，但仍是值得鼓勵的方向，正如最高人民法院院長周強所言﹕「推進司法公開，是促進司法公正的有力舉措……全面落實司法公開原則。不僅要敞開法庭大門，還要創造和利用好多元的司法公開載體；不僅要公開庭審過程和結果，還要公開裁判依據和理由；不僅要公開案件審理，還要公開人民法院的其他審務工作。」

稍有常識的人都不會否認薄熙來案有特殊的政治背景，而不是單純的貪腐案件。雖然薄熙來的貪污、受賄行為並無太多疑問，但對公眾輿論來說，作為反貪腐的象徵，薄熙來案的意義似乎並不太大，因為早在薄熙來之前，已經有北京前市委書記陳希同、上海前市委書記陳良宇兩名政治局委員，被以貪腐罪名懲處。因此，對於公眾和輿論來說，更大的興趣在於薄熙來案會否引出更大的貪腐「大老虎」。

此案備受矚目，是因英國商人海伍德被殺案、王立軍叛逃案引發，也是因為薄熙來在重慶「唱紅打黑」的施政模式引發了巨大爭議。因此，本來薄案開審對推動法治建設乃至經濟與社會轉型具有積極意義。正如在重慶打黑期間被捕的律師李莊所言，薄熙來的貪腐數額或許不是國內最大的，「但他對改革開放的摧殘，對民主與法治的踐踏，對民營經濟的打擊，對律師制度的傷害，對民眾價值觀的誤導，對傳統民族文化的顛覆……所犯下的罪行，比以往任何一個腐敗官員都大」。雖然今次審判中對薄的「濫用職權」有所涉及，但那只是薄熙來「踐踏法治」的冰山一角。而官方似乎有意將今次庭審的注意力引導至薄的個人貪腐，甚至是其家人及部下的恩怨情仇等八卦橋段。薄熙來在重慶所做的操弄司法、侵犯公民財產和人身權利的種種作為，迄今仍未得到追究，是一大缺陷。

政治切割 浪費法治建設良機

官方在今次庭審中，對薄熙來的政治取向與其個人貪腐行為作了十分謹慎的切割，從理想的角度出發，我們可以嘆息當局白白浪費了一次清理「文革」餘緒、推動法治建設的絕佳機會，但考慮到內地現實，也可以理解習李新領導層在內地現實政治環境下投鼠忌器的良苦用心。目前在內地，貧富懸殊、社會不公，仍是最為廣大基層民眾詬病的社會問題，因此，標榜「共同富裕」「公平正義」的重慶模式對於內地草根來說，仍具有很大的誘惑力。在習李將發展經濟當作頭等任務的背景下，迴避敏感政治議題帶來的爭議，實際是秉持鄧小平不爭議的原則，避免撕裂社會對經濟發展的衝擊。重要的是，薄熙來這個人的垮台，已經向全世界傳遞了一個清晰的信號﹕中國的改革開放絕不可能走回頭路，任何違背歷史潮流的政治人物最終都將被歷史拋棄。

Editorial

A political death sentence for Bo

THE VERDICT on Bo Xilai's case has finally been delivered. Bo was given a life sentence and deprived of political rights for life, and all his personal property was ordered to be confiscated. The severity - or leniency - of the verdict aside, it is clear that the court has announced the end of Bo's political life.

During Bo's trial, the Jinan Intermediate People's Court published transcripts of the proceedings on its microblog, and there was to a certain extent a "live" account of Bo's self-defence and the defence his lawyers put up. This marked a departure from the previous corruption trials involving high-ranking officials, and represented a creditable step forward in judicial openness, which, though still inadequate, should be encouraged.

No one with any common sense will deny that Bo's case was not simply a corruption case, but was charged with a special political significance. It attracted wide attention not only because it was triggered by the murder of British businessman Neil Heywood and Wang Lijun's flight, but also because of the highly controversial policies Bo pursued during his rule in Chongqing - policies characterised by the promotion of "red songs" and the "campaign against organised crime". As pointed out by Li Zhuang, a lawyer jailed in Chongqing during "the campaign against organised crime", Bo might not be the one who had amassed the greatest wealth through corruption and bribery in China, "but he had played havoc with the reform and opening up policy, trampled on democracy and the rule of law, ridden roughshod over the private economy, damaged the lawyer system, undermined public values, and perverted cultural traditions.... His crimes were more serious than those committed by other corrupt officials so far".

Therefore, Bo's trial should have been instrumental in promoting the rule of law and economic as well as social reform. The "abuse of power" charge against Bo, however, revealed but the tip of the iceberg as far as Bo's trampling on the rule of law is concerned. It is highly regrettable that Bo has not been punished for all his misdeeds in Chongqing, including his ruthless manipulation of the law and violation of people's property as well as personal rights.

Of course, when we take into consideration the realistic conditions in mainland China, we must admit that, under the very real constraints of the present political situation, the new Xi-Li leadership has acted with caution and responsibility. In China today, the disparity between the rich and the poor and social injustice are still the greatest evils the masses are labouring under. Therefore, Bo's Chongqing model of government, which called for "equality of wealth" and "social justice", still has great appeal among the general public. As economic development is the top-priority task of Xi and Li, they have to avoid politically sensitive issues. This is in accordance with Deng Xiaoping's "no arguing" directive - for a society torn by controversies can hardly concentrate on economic development. What is important is that Bo's fall from power has given the international community a clear message: China will not travel back on the road of reform and opening up, and a politician who sets himself against the times will eventually be crushed by the wheel of history.

明報社評2013.09.23﹕判薄政治死刑 習李用心良苦

薄熙來案一審終於宣判，他被判處無期徒刑，即終身監禁，並剝奪政治權利終身、剝奪全部個人財產。判刑的輕重姑且不論，但此判決在政治上宣告了薄熙來今後在政治上的「死刑」殆無疑義。

濟南市中級人民法院在今次薄熙來案的庭審中，採取了微博播報的形式，並在播報中對被告薄熙來的自辯和律師辯護，作有限度的「實錄」，這在過往的高級官員貪腐案中，都是前所未有的，從法律公開的角度看，這種進步值得讚賞，儘管還有不足，但仍是值得鼓勵的方向。

稍有常識的人都不會否認薄熙來案有特殊的政治背景，而不是單純的貪腐案件。此案備受矚目，是因英國商人海伍德被殺案、王立軍叛逃案引發，也是因為薄熙來在重慶「唱紅打黑」的施政模式引發了巨大爭議。正如在重慶打黑期間被捕的律師李莊所言，薄熙來的貪腐數額或許不是國內最大的，「但他對改革開放的摧殘，對民主與法治的踐踏，對民營經濟的打擊，對律師制度的傷害，對民眾價值觀的誤導，對傳統民族文化的顛覆……所犯下的罪行，比以往任何一個腐敗官員都大」。

因此，本來薄案開審對推動法治建設乃至經濟與社會轉型具有積極意義。雖然今次審判中對薄的「濫用職權」有所涉及，但那只是薄熙來「踐踏法治」的冰山一角。薄熙來在重慶所做的操弄司法、侵犯公民財產和人身權利的種種作為，迄今仍未得到追究，是一大缺陷。

但考慮到內地現實，也可以理解習李新領導層在內地現實政治環境下投鼠忌器的良苦用心。目前在內地，貧富懸殊、社會不公，仍是最為廣大基層民眾詬病的社會問題，因此，標榜「共同富裕」「公平正義」的重慶模式對於內地草根來說，仍具有很大的誘惑力。在習李將發展經濟當作頭等任務的背景下，迴避敏感政治議題帶來的爭議，實際是秉持鄧小平不爭議的原則，避免撕裂社會對經濟發展的衝擊。重要的是，薄熙來這個人的垮台，已經向全世界傳遞了一個清晰的信號﹕中國的改革開放絕不可能走回頭路，任何違背歷史潮流的政治人物最終都將被歷史拋棄。