<轉載自2012年9月14日 明報 社評>
日本政府不理會中國反對,「國有化」釣魚島(日稱尖閣諸島),中日關係空前緊張,從日本政府購島之後的處理,現階段不準備與中國攤牌,性質仍屬執行「切香腸」策略(即緩步進逼),進一步體現日本對釣魚島的實際控制而已。不過日本這個做法並非心慈手軟,她只是還未準備好正式把釣島收入囊中而已。因此,中國政府不能再以過去的思維和做法應對中日關係和釣島爭奪,要拋開中日友好的幻想,嚴肅對付日本的挑戰,制訂策略,與日本爭奪釣島的實際控制,改變40年來被日本牽着走的被動局面。
日本仍然不敢攤牌 中國仍有鬥爭空間
日本野田佳彥政府順應右翼政客的壓力,趁勢「國有化」釣島,事態涉及日本內部權力競逐。野田佳彥已經宣布參加本月21日舉行的民主黨黨魁選舉,他把購島視為政績之一;另外,日本方面就購島做過一些計算,例如宣布了參加自民黨總裁選舉的日本前首相安倍晉三表示,中國以經濟發展優先,不敢動武攻佔釣魚島,因為那將嚴重影響經濟云云,還有是中共召開十八大在即,在權力過渡和新班子形成之際,不少日本輿論引述官方消息研判,中國此際動武的可能不大。
這些研判何所據,只有日本方面知道,但是此一取態,恰恰說明日本認為中國不會因而動武,才敢「國有化」,若他們研判中國會動武,或許是另一個故事了。另外,野田佳彥表示日本政府購島後,可實施「穩定管理」,意圖紓緩中國的反對,而在完成購島後,立即派遣外務省亞太局長杉山晉輔到中國,相信目的是解釋情况。這些迹象,顯示日本政府不打算現在與中國攤牌;不過,安倍晉三表示,日本政府完成「國有化」之後,必須在島上設置政府機構,體現對島嶼有效管理。若安倍晉三重掌自民黨,然後在大選勝出,重新執政,若他把香腸切到在釣島上設置政府機構,屆時中國將如何應對,他們大概還未有研判。
由此可見,在日本右翼勢力抬頭下,操作釣島議題成為政客、政黨爭取支持和選票的工具,則它左右中日關係的危險性,就存在難以捉摸的變數。
無論如何,日本籌謀佔奪釣島,乃朝野共識,面對一個計劃再次侵略中國領土的日本,中國政府不要再幻想什麼中日友好,因為這是神女有心、襄王無夢。中國想與日本友好,日本卻利用中國的投鼠忌器,不斷進逼,已經到了最後佔奪釣島的階段,中國不應該繼續癡心妄想了。
從事態發展看來,日本政府所謂「國有化」釣島,驚醒了中國政府,今次中國政府的回應,包括胡錦濤等4名國家領導人先後表態寸土不讓,公布領海基線,南京、廣州、成都、濟南等四大軍區近期舉行規模罕見的軍事演習等,都傳達了與過去不一樣的信息。另外,一些過往不同意中國就釣島問題與日本硬碰的專家、學者,在日本要奪島的野心面前,不少改變論調,贊成要採取強硬措施應對。至於許多民衆所表現的敵愾同仇,若善加利用,更是保衛國土的強大力量。
迹象顯示,中國政府對釣島問題的立場和應對有「重大調整」,不再任由日本予取予攜。由於日本仍有顧忌,不敢現在就吞下釣島,所以,中國對日本的鬥爭策略,有許多選項。例如,即時中斷一些交流和減少人民前往旅遊等,官方之外,民間亦已自發這樣做;短期的經濟施壓以至最後攤牌的軍事打擊,都是可運用的手段和必需的準備。不過,中日就釣島的鬥爭,相信會十分漫長,中國必須在實際控制釣島方面,扳回失地,改變完全被動的局面。
軍事打擊是最後選擇 先爭 「實際控制」 挽敗局
中國海監船到釣島海面常規巡航,是一個做法,若組建海岸警備隊,包括對釣島海域實施管理,例如保護漁船作業、驅趕侵入釣島海域的外國船,甚至拘捕非法登島人物等,更能顯示中國的主權。這些行動,或許會觸發一些對峙、對抗場面,即使如此也不應該害怕和迴避,因為現在是保衛領土,並非請客食飯,不可能水不揚波,况且,以中國現在的國力,連這些小場面也不敢去碰,未免太使中國人沮喪了。若出現對峙和對抗場面,中國對釣島的實際控制,就不讓日本專美,起碼處於分庭抗禮態勢,屆時中國對釣島的底氣,就完全不一樣了。
另外,台灣海巡署到釣魚島海域「現地交接」護漁勤務,官員表示,漁船在哪,艦艇就在哪。這個舉措,是台灣對日本購島的回應,只是馬英九倡議的擱置爭議、共同開發,當年鄧小平早就提出了,日本心不在此,兩岸政府40年來讓日本在釣島獨大,現在他們哪會與中國人分享成果。所以,馬英九應該思考選擇與大陸聯手在釣島抗日,抵禦外侮,保住釣魚島之後,中國人之間才解決自己的問題。若台灣基於政治原因,不與大陸聯手抗日,可以理解,但是台灣在大陸與日本的對抗中,若做一些有利於日本的事,則是炎黃子孫絕不接受也不能原諒的,馬英九要警惕注意。
Editorial
Sino-Japanese friendship
THE JAPANESE GOVERNMENT has "nationalised" the Diaoyu Islands (which the Japanese call the Senkuku Islands) regardless of China's objections.
Pressured by right-wing politicians, the Noda administration has opportunely "nationalised" the islands. That has something to do with a fight for power in Japan. Yoshihiko Noda, who has declared his candidacy in the Democrats' party leader election(which takes place on September 21), regards the purchase of the islands as one of his achievements. Japan has made calculations about the purchase. For example, former Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe (who has announced his decision to stand in the Liberal Democratic Party presidential election) has said China is too preoccupied with economic development to use force to take possession of the Diaoyu Islands because that would badly affect its economy. The Communist Party of China is about to hold its 18th national congress, at which a new team will emerge and a transition of power will take place, and not a few Japanese commentators have quoted official sources as saying China is very unlikely to use force now.
Right-wingers gaining ground in Japan, the Diaoyu Islands dispute is what its politicians are using to drum up support and obtain votes. That would affect Sino-Japanese relations, and there are variables in the danger that are hard to grasp.
Nevertheless, it is generally agreed that Japan is planning to seize the islands. As Japan is again planning to annex a Chinese territory, the Chinese government should no longer fancy what is called Sino-Japanese friendship. Though China wants to be friends with Japan, the Japanese, seeing it "hesitates to pelt a rat for fear of smashing the dishes beside it", has taken final steps preparatory to the occupation of the Diaoyu Islands. China must no longer idiotically yearn for what cannot be achieved.
There are indications that the Chinese government has drastically readjusted its position on the Diaoyu Islands problem. It will no longer allow the Japanese to take whatever they fancy. Since Japan has such worries that it does not dare to swallow the islands up now, there are many strategies China may choose to apply in its struggle with it. We believe the struggle will be protracted. China ought to get out of passivity by catching up with Japan in the de facto control of the islands.
One way is to have its marine surveillance vessels cruise the Diaoyu waters. China can better assert its sovereignty over the islands by setting up a coastal guard that would cruise Chinese waters (including the Diaoyu waters), protect fishermen, expel intruding foreign vessels and arrest any person that illegally gets on any of the islands. It may lead to confrontations to do so. Even so, the Chinese government ought not to be so timid as to avoid doing so. Safeguarding the country's territory is a far cry from hosting a dinner party. There is no way the Chinese government can avoid making waves in doing so. Furthermore, China is now so very strong that Chinese people will be totally dejected if its government baulks at such minor conflicts. When there are such confrontations, China will also exercise de facto control over the Diaoyu Islands, not just Japan. China will then at least be on an equal footing with it.
Moreover, Ma Ying-jeou should consider joining forces with the mainland to fight against the Japanese over the Diaoyu Islands. Chinese people should first work together to resist foreign aggressors and then deal with the conflicts between them. It is understandable for Taiwan not to join forces with the mainland to resist the Japanese for political reasons. However, no Chinese would possibly condone or forgive anything Taiwan does that may advantage Japan in its confrontation with the mainland. Ma ought to guard against that.
明報社評2012.09.14﹕拋開中日友好幻想 做好保衛釣島準備
日本政府不理會中國反對,「國有化」釣魚島(日稱尖閣諸島)。
日本野田佳彥政府順應右翼政客的壓力,趁勢「國有化」釣島,事態涉及日本內部權力競逐。野田佳彥已經宣布參加本月21日舉行的民主黨黨魁選舉,他把購島視為政績之一;另外,日本方面就購島做過一些計算,例如宣布了參加自民黨總裁選舉的日本前首相安倍晉三表示,中國以經濟發展優先,不敢動武攻佔釣魚島,因為那將嚴重影響經濟云云,還有是中共召開十八大在即,在權力過渡和新班子形成之際,不少日本輿論引述官方消息研判,中國此際動武的可能不大。
在日本右翼勢力抬頭下,操作釣島議題成為政客、政黨爭取支持和選票的工具,則它左右中日關係的危險性,就存在難以捉摸的變數。
無論如何,日本籌謀佔奪釣島,乃朝野共識,面對一個計劃再次侵略中國領土的日本,中國政府不要再幻想什麼中日友好。中國想與日本友好,日本卻利用中國的投鼠忌器,不斷進逼,已經到了最後佔奪釣島的階段,中國不應該繼續癡心妄想了。
迹象顯示,中國政府對釣島問題的立場和應對有「重大調整」,不再任由日本予取予攜。由於日本仍有顧忌,不敢現在就吞下釣島,所以,中國對日本的鬥爭策略,有許多選項。不過,中日就釣島的鬥爭,相信會十分漫長,中國必須在實際控制釣島方面,扳回失地,改變完全被動的局面。
中國海監船到釣島海面常規巡航,是一個做法,若組建海岸警備隊,包括對釣島海域實施管理,例如保護漁船作業、驅趕侵入釣島海域的外國船,甚至拘捕非法登島人物等,更能顯示中國的主權。這些行動,或許會觸發一些對峙、對抗場面,即使如此也不應該害怕和迴避,因為現在是保衛領土,並非請客食飯,不可能水不揚波,况且,以中國現在的國力,連這些小場面也不敢去碰,未免太使中國人沮喪了。若出現對峙和對抗場面,中國對釣島的實際控制,就不讓日本專美,起碼處於分庭抗禮態勢。
另外,馬英九應該思考選擇與大陸聯手在釣島抗日,抵禦外侮,保住釣魚島之後,中國人之間才解決自己的問題。若台灣基於政治原因,不與大陸聯手抗日,可以理解,但是台灣在大陸與日本的對抗中,若做一些有利於日本的事,則是炎黃子孫絕不接受也不能原諒的,馬英九要警惕注意。
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