鍾士元求50年不變 維持現狀港人心願

<轉載自2018年11月15日 明報 社評>

香港政壇元老鍾士元逝世，享年101歲。鍾士元活躍政壇數十載，在香港政治地位的周折中，代表了不少政商精英想法。1980年代中英就香港前途問題談判，鍾士元由最初抗拒回歸到後來支持《中英聯合聲明》，由「孤臣孽子」到後來成為特區政府行政會議首任召集人，協助香港回歸平穩過渡，歷經不少轉折，某程度亦反映了港人對回歸的心路歷程。1984年鄧小平在北京會見鍾士元，談論港人治港和信心問題，時至今日，人心回歸和政治信任仍是香港問題癥結，未因時勢改變，當年社會上下對維持現狀的訴求，至今仍然是港人心願。

由抗拒到接受回歸 「孤臣孽子」助港過渡

鍾士元半世紀前已是工業總會主席，早於1965年已是立法局非官守議員，後來更擔任行政局首席非官守議員，是協助港英殖民地政府統治的香港人。回歸後，鍾士元獲首任特首董建華委任為行政會議召集人，雖然他在1999年退出政壇，然而在政界仍有着相當廣大的人脈。認識他的人，普遍都認為他友善有禮，樂於提攜後輩，並非滿懷心機計算之人。鍾士元出任公職數十年，參與了房屋、醫療、教育、金融、貿易和工業等多個領域的重大決策，在成立貿發局、金管局、醫管局和科技大學等事宜上都有重要角色，然而最多人記得和談論的，仍然是他在1980年代香港問題上的角色和作用。

鍾士元仕途最高峰的歲月，亦是香港前途問題最波濤洶湧的一段日子。鍾士元對香港回歸有掙扎，由最初游說英國政府大力抗拒，到後來接受回歸，以至在特區政府成立初期出力相助，當中有過不少轉折。1980年代中英就香港前途談判之初，很多港人都對回歸心存疑懼和抗拒，畢竟之前30多年內地政局動盪，文革十年浩劫更嚇怕不少港人，擔心改革開放路線未來再有反覆。不少政商精英靠攏港英當局，更主張英國繼續長期統治香港，認為港人治港「難以實行」，最支持回歸的反而是大學生等最有理想和國家民族情懷的一群。鍾士元以行政局首席非官守議員身分走訪倫敦和北京，正是在這一獨特歷史時空下發生。

當年中英談判，英方想搞「三腳櫈」，讓香港在談判桌上也有角色，謀求以「二對一」爭取更多談判籌碼，就算無法在1997年後維持對香港的主權，至少亦可做到「主權換治權」，延續對港管治。最初鍾士元所推銷的，也是主權換治權的一套，然而中方態度堅決，拒絕「三腳櫈」，強調1997年後全面恢復對香港的主權，鍾士元更被形容為「孤臣孽子」。1984年鍾士元訪京與鄧小平會面，表達對香港前途憂慮，結果鄧小平一開腔便定性鍾士元等人僅是以「個人身分」來訪，說明了中方態度。

信任鴻溝30年未消 相向而行始有出路

鍾士元身處這個歷史重要轉折點，注定兩邊不討好，就連他本人也曾形容，「英國政府當我們是『走狗』，中國政府當我們是『漢奸』」。鍾士元所代表的，很大程度是港英時代政商精英的想法，然而隨着香港回歸成為定局，「維持現狀」成為香港社會上下共識，鍾士元亦有盡力反映港人聲音，希望香港獨特制度和生活方式，回歸後能夠切實做到「50年不變」。鍾士元的最終選擇是順應歷史發展軌迹，以務實態度接受香港回歸，同時將香港最根本的利益放在首位，希望香港能保持繁榮穩定，正是這一點，令到他得到香港社會普遍肯定。

1988年鍾士元卸任行政局首席非官守議員後，本可淡出政壇，然而他並沒有放棄服務香港，回歸後也沒有扯特區政府後腿。他還應董建華邀請，擔任特區政府行政會議首任召集人，協助香港平穩過渡。行會召集人是重要職位，鍾士元身為「孤臣孽子」，能夠出任此一要職，也反映了中央願意不記前嫌舊惡。有容乃大、以香港利益為先的大原則，今時今日仍然值得各方銘記謹遵。

當年鍾士元與鄧小平會面，對內地會否堅持「一國兩制」、永守「50年不變」承諾表達了疑慮，最後雙方不歡而散，背後反映的是香港與內地之間的信任鴻溝。當年鄧小平向鍾士元表示，只要港人真正了解到中央政策，就會有信心，如果現在還有人談信心問題，「對中國政府沒有信任感，那末其他一切都談不上」。轉眼間，香港回歸已有21年，可惜內地和香港之間的信任和了解仍然嚴重不足，信任問題不斷以各種形式表現出來，鍾士元逝世後，部分人將焦點放在當年他對中央和一國兩制的懷疑，正是一個寫照。加強互信，需要以務實態度相向而行，兩地信任鴻溝一日無法顯著收窄，人心回歸仍將是漫漫長路。

Chung Sze-yuen's endeavor

VETERAN Hong Kong politician Chung Sze-yuen has passed away at the age of 101. Chung, who had been politically active for a few decades, was representative of the way of thinking of many political and business elites. During the 1980s when China and Britain were negotiating over the future of Hong Kong, Chung was at first resistant to Hong Kong's handover to China. However, he later supported the Sino-British Joint Declaration. From being compared to "an alienated minister and a child born to a concubine" to becoming the first convener of the Executive Council of the HKSAR, Chung experienced many twists and turns in his political career. To some extent Chung's political life reflected what Hong Kong people went through in their minds with regard to Hong Kong's handover to China. In 1984, Deng Xiaoping met Chung in Beijing and talked about "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong" and the issue of confidence. Today, in spite of the changes in circumstances, the "return of the people's hearts" and political trust are still the crux of the Hong Kong question. In those days the aspiration of society at large was to maintain the status quo. It is still Hong Kong people's aspiration.

Chung Sze-yuen became Chairman of the Federation of Hong Kong Industries half a century ago. He was appointed an unofficial member of the Legislative Council in 1965. Later he became the senior unofficial member of the Executive Council. The peak of Chung's political career coincided with the roughest time in the negotiations over Hong Kong's future.

During the Sino-British negotiations, the British attempted to set up a "three-legged stool" by proposing to allow Hong Kong to play a role in the negotiations. The British wanted to gain more bargaining chips at a "two-versus-one" negotiating table so as to extend their governance of Hong Kong. Should Britain fail to maintain its sovereignty over Hong Kong after 1997, the British could at least continue their governance of Hong Kong by "exchanging sovereignty for administration". What Chung promoted initially was no different from "exchanging sovereignty for administration". However, the Chinese government was resolutely against the "three-legged stool" and emphasised that China would resume full sovereignty over Hong Kong after 1997. At one point, Chung Sze-yuen was even called "an alienated minister and a child born to a concubine".

To a large extent, Chung was representative of the way of thinking of the political and business elites in the colonial era. However, as Hong Kong's handover to China became a foregone conclusion, the consensus of Hong Kong society at large was "to maintain the status quo". Chung continued to do his best to speak out on behalf of Hong Kong people whose wish was to preserve the unique institutions and lifestyle of Hong Kong, and for Hong Kong to remain "unchanged for 50 years" after the handover.

Chung retired from his position as a senior unofficial member of the Executive Council in 1988, but he did not give up serving Hong Kong. At the invitation of Tung Chee-hwa, he became the first convener of the HKSAR's Executive Council after Hong Kong's handover to China and assisted in Hong Kong's smooth transition.

In his meeting with Deng Xiaoping, Chung expressed his doubts about mainland China's commitment to "one country, two systems" and China's guarantee that Hong Kong would "remain unchanged for 50 years". The two parties parted with ill feelings. What was reflected in this meeting was the deep distrust between Hong Kong and mainland China. It is 21 years since Hong Kong's handover, but there is still a lack of trust and understanding between mainland China and Hong Kong. An example is how some people have focused on Chung's early doubts about the central government and "one country, two systems". To strengthen mutual trust, both sides have to adopt a practical attitude and approach each other. Unless the distrust between Hong Kong and mainland China is significantly narrowed, "the return of the people's heart" will still be a long way off.

鍾士元求50年不變 維持現狀港人心願

香港政壇元老鍾士元逝世，享年101歲。鍾士元活躍政壇數十載，代表了不少政商精英想法。1980年代中英就香港前途問題談判，鍾士元由最初抗拒回歸到後來支持《中英聯合聲明》，由「孤臣孽子」到後來成為特區政府行政會議首任召集人，歷經不少轉折，某程度亦反映了港人對回歸的心路歷程。1984年鄧小平在北京會見鍾士元，談論港人治港和信心問題，時至今日，人心回歸和政治信任仍是香港問題癥結，未因時勢改變，當年社會上下對維持現狀的訴求，至今仍然是港人心願。

鍾士元半世紀前已是工業總會主席，早於1965年已是立法局非官守議員，後來更擔任行政局首席非官守議員。鍾士元仕途最高峰的歲月，亦是香港前途問題最波濤洶湧的一段日子。

當年中英談判，英方想搞「三腳櫈」，讓香港在談判桌上也有角色，謀求以「二對一」爭取更多談判籌碼，就算無法在1997年後維持對香港的主權，至少亦可做到「主權換治權」，延續對港管治。最初鍾士元所推銷的，也是主權換治權的一套，然而中方態度堅決，拒絕「三腳櫈」，強調1997年後全面恢復對香港的主權，鍾士元更被形容為「孤臣孽子」。

鍾士元所代表的，很大程度是港英時代政商精英的想法，然而隨着香港回歸成為定局，「維持現狀」成為香港社會上下共識，鍾士元亦盡力反映港人聲音，希望香港獨特制度和生活方式，回歸後能夠切實做到「50年不變」。

1988年鍾士元卸任行政局首席非官守議員，然而他並沒有放棄服務香港，回歸後還應董建華邀請，擔任特區政府行政會議首任召集人，協助香港平穩過渡。

當年鍾士元與鄧小平會面，對內地會否堅持「一國兩制」、永守「50年不變」承諾表達了疑慮，最後雙方不歡而散，背後反映的是香港與內地之間的信任鴻溝。轉眼間，香港回歸已有21年，可惜內地和香港之間的信任和了解仍然嚴重不足，鍾士元逝世後，部分人將焦點放在當年他對中央和一國兩制的懷疑，正是一個寫照。加強互信，需要以務實態度相向而行，兩地信任鴻溝一日無法顯著收窄，人心回歸仍將是漫漫長路。