王岐山功成身退 制度反腐靠法治

<轉載自2017年10月25日 明報 社評>

中共十九大閉幕，中紀委書記王岐山功成身退，退出中央領導層。過去5年，王岐山被視為黨內反腐急先鋒，除了配合總書記習近平從嚴治黨「打虎拍蠅」，更重要是推動「制度反腐」。近年一些西方學者開始嘗試以「唯才主義政體」（Meritocracy）審視中國政治模式，隨着大陸版「超級廉政公署」國家監察委員會明年成立，理論上反貪工作可望更為全面，深化用人唯才唯德改革，然而中共能否透過制度反腐，有效自我監督，實現自我完善，仍是一大疑問，還須視乎法治建設是否得到貫徹落實。

設國家監察委員會 自我監督前路艱難

中共十九大焦點有二，一是「習近平思想」寫入黨章，另一則是高層人事變動。中共黨大會有所謂「七上八下」不成文規定，68歲或以上者要退休，67歲或以下者可以再任5年。觀乎中共新一屆中央委員名單，66歲的國家副主席李源潮「出局」，可說是意料之外；至於意料之內的，是69歲的王岐山從反貪火線退下，不會續任中央政治局常委和中紀委書記。

王岐山出任中紀委書記，大力反腐，立下不少汗馬功勞，5年間逾百名省部級以上高官落馬，當中包括周永康、令計劃、徐才厚和郭伯雄等副國級以上的「大老虎」。經過5年整頓，雖然內地官場腐敗現象遠未根除，惟多少受到遏制，有所收斂。然而王岐山的貢獻不止是「老虎蒼蠅一起打」，而是從「制度反腐」入手，希望形成制度化的自我監督。即將成立的國家監察委員會，正是最重要的制度改革。

內地反貪工作一直存在架牀疊屋問題，除了中紀委，還有隸屬國家機關的監察部和審計署，以及檢察院的反貪反瀆職部門。中紀委是龍頭，惟始終只是中共執行「家法」的部門，負責查處黨內違紀行為，倘若黨員有違法行為，需要交由檢察院等國家機關處理。中國政治模式強調黨領導、黨國融合，黨紀可以嚴過國法，惟也不代表黨與國之間全沒分際。王岐山雷厲風行打貪，各方莫敢不從，可是中紀委屬於治黨系統，由它向政府機關發號施令，又或要求非黨員民企老闆協助調查，難免名不正言不順。中紀委並非執法機關，卻有權對涉嫌違紀者「雙規」（在規定時間和規定地點交代問題），限制人身自由，也惹來非議。

習近平十九大報告提出在國家、省、巿、縣各級成立監察委員會，與黨的同級紀律檢查委員會合署辦公，將檢察院的反貪反瀆職部門併入其中，目的正是希望由中紀委牽頭，集中統一領導反腐工作，建立權威高效的國家監察體系，覆蓋所有公職人員乃至上市公司高層，不再限於黨員；至於制訂國家監察法，賦予監察委員會權限，以「留置」取代中紀委的「雙規」措施，則是要推進依法治國，免招話柄。

國家監察委員會將與國務院、最高法院、最高檢察院並列，形成「一府一委兩院」的權力新架構，是中國政治制度一次重大變革，不過在中共堅持一黨專政下，反腐制度化建設是否真能做到自我淨化，始終充滿問號。隨着國家監察委員會成立，中紀委權力大增，會否出現權力過大的問題，令人關注。過去中紀委內部也曾爆出貪腐案，「監督者由誰來監督」這個永恆難題，對中共亦是一大考驗。前年王岐山會見美國著名政治學者福山（Francis Fukuyama）時，也承認自我監督難如「自己給自己開刀」。

中共建設唯才政體 自我完善還看法治

習近平上台後，要求實現「優者上、庸者下、劣者汰」。一些西方學者嘗試跳出西方本位主義，探討中國治理模式長遠是否可行、是否真的能夠自我完善，例如有學者提出以「唯才主義政體」的視角，去討論中國政治體制。簡單而言，「唯才政體」就是「舉賢任能」，核心是建立一套以才德治績為考核標準的提拔制度，確保政治領袖才德兼備。有學者認為，舉賢任能屬中國傳統政治文化，既然中共嘗試朝「唯才政體」方向走，就應該以此作為標準，去衡量中國政治發展，不應只以「民主對專制」的二元對立觀，作為尺度準繩。

「唯才政體」的觀點，惹來不少爭議和迴響。曾幾何時，政治學者福山預言「歷史終結」，自由主義民主將定於一尊，惟近年亦開始調整觀點。福山認為，現階段無法判斷中國官員提拔制度，有多大程度是基於才德而非「關係」，需要更多實證了解，不過他認為，只靠黨內自我監督，很難長治久安，關鍵仍要看中共高層能否貫徹法治，接受憲法約束。習近平提出建設社會主義法治國家，「堅持法治國家、法治政府、法治社會一體建設」，能否真正做到法律面前人人平等，不會有人凌駕法律，將決定中國反腐制度化和政治體制自我完善的成敗。

Rule of law — the key to combatting corruption

THE 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) has come to an end. Wang Qishan, the Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), has bowed out of the top echelons of the CPC having achieved considerable success in his post. In recent years, some Western scholars have begun treating the Chinese political model as a "meritocracy". As China's equivalent to the ICAC, i.e. the National Supervision Commission, will be established next year, the anti-graft campaign will theoretically be more comprehensive, and the meritocratic reform will be more thorough. However, it remains questionable whether the CPC is able to fight corruption institutionally and achieve effective self-regulation and self-enhancement. All this will hinge on whether the establishment of the rule of law will be thoroughly implemented.

There were two things to watch in the 19th National Congress. First, Xi Jinping's thought was written into the CPC's constitution. Second, there were personnel changes in the upper echelons. Judging from the list of members of the new term of the CPC Central Committee, it came as a surprise that Li Yuanchao, the 66-year-old Chinese vice president, would no longer be a member of the committee. What was expected was that Wang Qishan, 69, retreated from the forefront of the combat against corruption, and would no longer be a standing committee member of the Central Politburo and the Secretary of the CCDI.

During his tenure as the Secretary of the CCDI, Wang launched a vigorous campaign against corruption and achieved an extraordinary success. After five years' work, though corruption remains a deep-rooted problem in mainland China's officialdom, it has more or less been checked and is not as rampant as before. The Chinese political mode puts a lot of emphasis on the CPC's leadership and the integration of the CPC and the country. While discipline requirements within the CPC can be harsher than the requirements of the national law, it does not mean that there is not any boundary between the CPC and the country. No one dared to oppose Wang's vigorous campaign against corruption. However, the CCDI is part of the system to monitor the CPC. It issues decrees to government agencies and requires non-CPC owners of civilian-run enterprises to assist in investigations, which is hardly right or proper. Furthermore, the CCDI is not a law-enforcement agency, but it has the power to require people who have allegedly violated regulations to explain the matter at a designated time and in a designated place. This is a restriction of freedom of the person, which is also controversial.

In his report to the 19th National Congress, Xi Jinping proposes the establishment of supervision commissions at national, provincial, municipal and district levels. The National Supervision Committee will be of the same rank as the State Council, the Supreme Court and the Supreme People's Procuratorate. This will be a major reform of the Chinese political system. However, as the CPC insists on one-party dictatorship, it is questionable whether the institutionalisation of the anti-graft movement will really achieve the self-purification of the party. When the National Supervision Committee comes into existence, the CCDI will become much more powerful. It deserves concern whether it will become too powerful. As corruption cases have in fact happened within the CCDI itself, the perpetual problem of "who will guard the guards" will trouble the CPC.

After Xi Jinping came to power, he ordered that "the competent should be promoted, the mediocre should be demoted, and the incompetent should be eliminated". Xi proposed the establishment of a socialist country with the rule of law and adhering to the notion of building "a country with the rule of law, a government with the rule of law and a society with the rule of law together". The success of the institutionalisation of China's anti-graft campaign and the self-enhancement of the political system will be determined by whether everyone is equal before the law and whether no one will be above the law.

王岐山功成身退 制度反腐靠法治

中共十九大閉幕，中紀委書記王岐山功成身退，退出中央領導層。近年一些西方學者開始嘗試以「唯才主義政體」（Meritocracy）審視中國政治模式，隨着大陸版「超級廉政公署」國家監察委員會明年成立，理論上反貪工作可望更為全面，深化用人唯才唯德改革，然而中共能否透過制度反腐，有效自我監督，實現自我完善，仍是一大疑問，還須視乎法治建設是否得到貫徹落實。

中共十九大焦點有二，一是「習近平思想」寫入黨章，另一則是高層人事變動。觀乎中共新一屆中央委員名單，66歲的國家副主席李源潮「出局」，可說是意料之外；至於意料之內的，是69歲的王岐山從反貪火線退下，不會續任中央政治局常委和中紀委書記。

王岐山出任中紀委書記，大力反腐，立下不少汗馬功勞。經過5年整頓，雖然內地官場腐敗現象遠未根除，惟多少受到遏制，有所收斂。中國政治模式強調黨領導、黨國融合，黨紀可以嚴過國法，惟也不代表黨與國之間全沒分際。王岐山雷厲風行打貪，各方莫敢不從，可是中紀委屬於治黨系統，由它向政府機關發號施令，又或要求非黨員民企老闆協助調查，難免名不正言不順。中紀委並非執法機關，卻有權對涉嫌違紀者「雙規」（在規定時間和規定地點交代問題），限制人身自由，也惹來非議。

習近平十九大報告提出在國家、省、巿、縣各級成立監察委員會。國家監察委員會將與國務院、最高法院、最高檢察院並列，是中國政治制度一次重大變革，不過在中共堅持一黨專政下，反腐制度化建設是否真能做到自我淨化，始終充滿問號。隨着國家監察委員會成立，中紀委權力大增，會否出現權力過大的問題，令人關注。過去中紀委內部也曾爆出貪腐案，「監督者由誰來監督」這個永恆難題，對中共亦是一大考驗。

習近平上台後，要求實現「優者上、庸者下、劣者汰」。習近平提出建設社會主義法治國家，「堅持法治國家、法治政府、法治社會一體建設」，能否真正做到法律面前人人平等，不會有人凌駕法律，將決定中國反腐制度化和政治體制自我完善的成敗。