中紀委全會先開鑼 自我監督世界難題

<轉載自2017年10月9日 明報 社評>

就在中共十九大開幕前夕，第十八屆中紀委第八次全會今日在北京先行召開。中共每屆黨代表大會開幕前，都會先召開本屆中央委員會的最後一次全體會議，即所謂七中全會，而同屆的中紀委委員都會列席七中全會，並在會期內召開本屆中紀委自己的最後一次全會，這就是中紀委的第八次全會。但今次中紀委的第八次全會，卻早於十八屆七中全會（將於本周三開幕）兩天召開，顯示這次中紀委的全會，較以往的全會有更多的議題。

中紀委全會破例提前 反貪風頭勁萬眾矚目

69歲的中紀委書記王岐山會否按慣例退休，已成為十九大最引人注目的焦點之一，無論他退或不退，中紀委領導層都面臨大換血，130名中紀委委員也大半將會更換。過去5年，中紀委急速擴權擴編，轄下的監察室由原來的8個增加到12個，其中監督地方的監察室由4個增加到7個。十九大後，預期內地監察體制改革將會加速，在明年的十三屆人大上將完成修憲，納入了原屬各級檢察院的反貪局之後，中紀委將增加國家監察委員會的招牌，成為與國務院平級的超級監察機構，現有的黨內調查權與拘押權，將獲法律明確授權，擴大至所有公務員。因此，十九大上中紀委的動向萬眾矚目，是自然不過之事。

過去5年，中紀委這個肅貪利器盡顯威風。在國家主席習近平「『老虎』、『蒼蠅』一起打」的號召下，在王岐山的雷厲風行推動下，內地掀起了前所未有的反腐風暴，迄今為止，已有包括中央政治局前常委周永康，中央軍委前副主席郭伯雄、徐才厚，現屆中央政治局委員孫政才，現屆全國政協副主席令計劃、蘇榮等在內的逾200名副部級、少將級以上軍政高官落馬受查，反貪腐也成為習近平首個任期中最引人注目的政績，獲得國內外輿論的肯定。

與此同時，預防貪腐的各項制度建設亦全面展開。向中央各部委派駐紀檢組長及對各地各部門的巡視實現了「全覆蓋」；在全面從嚴治黨的號令下，先後推出了《關於新形勢下黨內政治生活的若干準則》、《黨內監督條例》、《巡視工作條例》、《廉潔自律準則》、《紀律處分條例》、《問責條例》等多項黨內規章。在內地官場，「不敢腐」的震懾力已經形成，「不能腐」的制度框架初見端倪，當然，在公務員隊伍中形成「不想腐」的思想道德建設仍有漫漫長路。

由於中國特殊的政治體制，中紀委的這種自我監督，一直受到外間的諸多置疑，有人質疑反貪腐只不過是內部權鬥排除異己的手段，有人質疑這種自我監督是否有效，更有人斷言一黨專政不可能解決貪腐問題。對此，王岐山並未迴避，他曾公開表示，「我們是一黨長期執政，最大的挑戰就是權力的有效監督，持續破解這一難題，黨才能永葆先進性和純潔性」。他曾不止一次地對訪客表示，中共自我監督、自我淨化的做法，相當於一個人給自己開刀動手術，屬於世界性難題。但他又表示「不信邪」，誓要探索出一條自我監督的新路。

特殊政體靠自己動手術 王岐山自信非毫無理據

王岐山的自信雖然還要經過時間考驗，但並非全無依據。中國現時的貪腐問題，從縱向看，有經濟發展階段的因素，歷史上西方各國在工業化時期都曾出現過大規模的貪腐。資本積累或轉型時期缺乏規則，巨大的財富給腐敗創造了條件。但經濟的發展同時也給反腐敗創造了一定的條件，如高薪養廉等，結合反貪腐措施，已發揮一定效力。

從橫向比較看，與周邊實行多黨民主制的國家相比較，按透明國際的排名，俄羅斯、蒙古、印度、菲律賓、印尼等國的貪腐程度均超過中國，但迄今只有中國發起了大規模的肅貪行動，新加坡和香港的政府廉潔程度，也遠較韓國和台灣為高，證明多黨制選舉並非反貪的靈丹妙藥。

從歷史上看，中紀委的作用和職責幾經起伏，很長時間不是武功被廢，就是形同虛設。十八大以來，中紀委的擴權擴編，很大程度上仍屬領導人的個人意志，而非制度化的因素使然。因此，沒有制度的保證，中紀委可以被擴權，也隨時可以被削權。

古時河流上拉船的縴夫團隊為防害群之馬，會出錢請人拿鞭子來鞭撻團隊中偷懶的人，中紀委就是中共的黨鞭機構。但關鍵的問題，其一，持鞭人本身要有更高的道德標準，中紀委成員應該在黨內先公示個人財產，做道德典範；其二，中紀委及未來國監委的獨立性和超然地位應獲法律保障，這樣才能令反貪腐不是一陣風的運動，而是「永遠在路上」；此外，反貪腐雖不能搞群眾運動，但必須依靠人民，只有輿論監督與中紀委的自我監督相結合，反腐敗才不會人走政息。

World-class difficulty

TODAY the 8th plenum of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) of the Communist Party of China (CPC) opens in Beijing. It is one of the shijiuda (the 19th National Congress of the CPC) foci that have drawn the most attention whether Secretary of the CCDI Wang Qishan (69) will retire as per convention. Whether or not he will do so, the CCDI leadership is faced with a major transfusion. More than a half of the hundred and thirty CCDI members will be replaced.

So peculiar is China's political system that the CPC's self-supervision through the agency of the CCDI has long been called into question in many ways. Some suspect the CPC's anti-corruption efforts are what CPC leaders rely on to get rid of those who differ with them in intra-party power struggles. Others doubt that such self-supervision is effective. Still others assert corruption cannot possibly be eradicated under one-party dictatorship. Wang Qishan has not evaded such questions. He has openly said, "We are a party that has long been in power. The biggest challenge we are faced with is how authorities can be effectively supervised. Only if this problem is continuously cracked can the Party retain its advancedness and purity." He has more than once told his visitors self-supervision or self-purification is to the CCP what self-operation is to a human being and that is a world-class difficulty. But he has also said he does not buy heresies, vowing to find a new way of self-supervision.

Corruption in China can be looked at longitudinally. It has to do with factors of stages of economic development. Corruption was rampant in Western countries when they industrialised. Because planning was lacking during capital accumulation or restructuring, the existence of enormous wealth brought about conditions for corruption. However, economic development generated conditions for anti-corruption efforts. One example is the possibility of offering high pay, which helps foster incorruptibility. Coupled with such factors, anti-corruption measures have to a certain degree proved effective.

It can also be viewed horizontally. According to Transparency International rankings, corruption is more serious in China's neighbours that are multi-party democracies (like Russia, Mongolia, India, the Philippines and Indonesia) than in China. So far only China has seen large-scale efforts to eradicate corruption. Furthermore, Singapore's and Hong Kong's governments are far cleaner than South Korea's and Taiwan's. These show multi-party elections are no panacea for corruption.

The CCDI has seen ups and downs of its functions and duties. For a very long period it either was impotent or existed only nominally. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC ended, it has wielded new powers and its establishment has grown. But such changes are to a great extent what individual leaders will. They have nothing whatsoever to do with institutional factors. There being no institutional guarantees, the CCDI's powers, which have been arbitrarily expanded, can be arbitrarily cut.

In ancient times, to guard against rotten apples, a team of boat trackers working along a river would pay a person to whip its members who slacked off. The CCDI is the CPC's whip. But there are some crucial matters. First, as whip-wielders should meet higher standards of morality, any person who sits on the CCDI should set a moral example by declaring to the CPC what assets he holds. Second, the independence and detachedness of the CCDI and the state supervisory commission to be set up should be guaranteed by law. Only if this is the case will anti-corruption efforts be "always underway" rather than transient like a storm. Furthermore, though no mass movement should be launched against corruption, the people must be relied upon. Only if CCDI self-supervision is coupled with public-opinion supervision will anti-corruption campaigns continue though those in charge of them have departed.

中紀委全會先開鑼 自我監督世界難題

就在中共十九大開幕前夕，第十八屆中紀委第八次全會今日在北京先行召開。69歲的中紀委書記王岐山會否按慣例退休，已成為十九大最引人注目的焦點之一，無論他退或不退，中紀委領導層都面臨大換血，130名中紀委委員也大半將會更換。

由於中國特殊的政治體制，中紀委的這種自我監督，一直受到外間的諸多置疑，有人質疑反貪腐只不過是內部權鬥排除異己的手段，有人質疑這種自我監督是否有效，更有人斷言一黨專政不可能解決貪腐問題。對此，王岐山並未迴避，他曾公開表示，「我們是一黨長期執政，最大的挑戰就是權力的有效監督，持續破解這一難題，黨才能永葆先進性和純潔性」。他曾不止一次地對訪客表示，中共自我監督、自我淨化的做法，相當於一個人給自己開刀動手術，屬於世界性難題。但他又表示「不信邪」，誓要探索出一條自我監督的新路。

中國現時的貪腐問題，從縱向看，有經濟發展階段的因素，歷史上西方各國在工業化時期都曾出現過大規模的貪腐。資本積累或轉型時期缺乏規則，巨大的財富給腐敗創造了條件。但經濟的發展同時也給反腐敗創造了一定的條件，如高薪養廉等，結合反貪腐措施，已發揮一定效力。

從橫向比較看，與周邊實行多黨民主制的國家相比較，按透明國際的排名，俄羅斯、蒙古、印度、菲律賓、印尼等國的貪腐程度均超過中國，但迄今只有中國發起了大規模的肅貪行動，新加坡和香港的政府廉潔程度，也遠較韓國和台灣為高，證明多黨制選舉並非反貪的靈丹妙藥。

從歷史上看，中紀委的作用和職責幾經起伏，很長時間不是武功被廢，就是形同虛設。十八大以來，中紀委的擴權擴編，很大程度上仍屬領導人的個人意志，而非制度化的因素使然。因此，沒有制度的保證，中紀委可以被擴權，也隨時可以被削權。

古時河流上拉船的縴夫團隊為防害群之馬，會出錢請人拿鞭子來鞭撻團隊中偷懶的人，中紀委就是中共的黨鞭機構。但關鍵的問題，其一，持鞭人本身要有更高的道德標準，中紀委成員應該在黨內先公示個人財產，做道德典範；其二，中紀委及未來國監委的獨立性和超然地位應獲法律保障，這樣才能令反貪腐不是一陣風的運動，而是「永遠在路上」；此外，反貪腐雖不能搞群眾運動，但必須依靠人民，只有輿論監督與中紀委的自我監督相結合，反腐敗才不會人走政息。