愛國情懷雖存代溝 看待六四不能冷漠

<轉載自2018年5月30日 明報 社評>

六四事件29周年將至，最新民意調查顯示，港人支持平反六四比例，是10年來第二低，新一代對悼念六四冷淡，折射了年輕人對內地愈益感到疏離。新一代普遍沒有上一代的愛國情懷，現實如此勉強不來，然而香港與內地命運交纏，亦是不能迴避的政治現實，如果有朝一日內地對八九民運有了新的評價，內地與香港關係也必然會迎來嶄新局面。香港在八九民運的角色，永遠不會從歷史中抹走；抱着鴕鳥心態，要與內地割席，冷漠看待六四，等同冷漠看待香港的歷史和未來。

對內地是其是非其非 香港角色從來沒改變

港大發表一年一度的六四周年民意調查，當中變化最為明顯的，是市民對內地人權狀况看法愈益負面。認為現今內地人權狀况較1989年有改善的受訪者，雖然仍有47％，然而其實是回歸以來第二低；認為當前中國人權狀况較1989年惡劣的比例，則升了5個百分點，達到28%，是1993年調查開始以來最高。近年內地推動司法責任制改革，嚴禁偵查機關「非法取證」，減少冤假錯案，可是在港人眼中，內地公安執法濫權、打壓維權人士等問題依舊嚴重，甚至是變本加厲。

中央強調「四個自信」（即道路自信、理論自信、制度自信、文化自信），然而過度自信，有時可能變得自負，忽略不足的一面。數十年來香港扮演的一個重要角色，就是充當老實人，指出內地在政治、法治、民主等方面的缺失，希望內地與國際標準接軌，由八九民運到今時今日，這一角色從來沒有改變。除非有人認為，內地發展好壞不會影響香港，否則港人就應該敢於發聲，對內地是其是非其非。堅持平反六四，不過是這一思路的反映。

然而值得關注是，港人要求平反六四的意志，近年似乎變得薄弱。今年港大民調顯示，支持平反六四的受訪比率為54%，是近10年第二低；不支持的比率則是24%，是10年來第二高。港人是否有責任推動中國民主發展，社會意見紛紜難有結論，可是換個角度討論，相信大多數港人都會認同，內地政治變得更加民主、開放和包容，對本港利多於弊。堅持平反六四，可以是為了建設民主中國，也可以是為了香港。

過去數年，新一代對悼念六四愈來愈沒有感覺，一大原因是他們沒有上一代的愛國情懷。不少年輕人雖然追求民主，基於普世價值支持平反六四，可是「愛國」卻成為了他們眼中難以跨越的門檻：有些年輕人覺得，香港與內地在思想、生活和文化各方面均存在巨大落差，內地是「他者」，「與我何干」；亦有大學生只希望傳承追求民主的精神，而不是前輩的愛國情懷。下周支聯會六四燭光晚會，預料將連續第三年沒有大專院校參與，多間大學的學生會，也無意再舉辦六四論壇或展覽。

平反六四為港為內地 溝通可化解代際分歧

愛國情懷發乎內心，無法勉強，也不可能透過「游說」換來。上一代不可能強迫年輕人有同樣的愛國情感，年輕人對支聯會的愛國情懷有牴觸，也不能因此怪責他們，然而這不是說年輕人和上一代無法求同存異。溝通對話可以化解代際分歧，年輕人覺得六四集會「行禮如儀」，大可以由兩代人合力，構建悼念六四的新內涵和意義，讓平反六四的精神得以承傳。港人悼念六四，本身便是一場極為本土的政治運動，否定悼念六四，猶如否定香港人的歷史。即使年輕人愛國情懷不再，也不代表一定要將愛護香港與關注內地對立起來。

過去數年，本港經歷了佔領運動洗禮，以及港獨思潮衝擊，年輕一代出現兩股截然不同趨勢：一是變得愈益激進、否定整個制度；一是變得愈益冷漠，認為做什麼也改變不了整個制度，最近一項調查便顯示，尖子中學生參與公共事務有所下跌，由出席平反六四集會到參與助選活動，均出現類似情况。這兩種趨勢，都不是健康現象。部分年輕人對內地的厭惡情緒，令他們產生了割斷與內地聯繫的念頭，認為只需聚焦香港，視內地如同「透明」，然而對香港來說，內地因素是客觀存在，根本切斷不了，遑論「與我何干」。堅持悼念六四，其實是勇敢直面香港與內地的複雜關係，而不是逃避現實。

Coldness towards June 4 Incident is not advisable

AS the 29th anniversary of the June 4 Incident is approaching, a latest survey has shown that the proportion of Hong Kong people in support of the rehabilitation of people involved in the incident dropped to the second lowest on record in 10 years. The indifference shown by the young generation towards remembering June 4 reflects their growing aloofness towards the mainland. In general, the new generation do not have the same passion felt by the older generation towards our country. That is the situation, like it or lump it. That being said, one cannot evade the political reality that Hong Kong's fate is intertwined with that of China either. If one day mainland authorities offer a new evaluation of the 1989 Democracy Movement, the relationship between Hong Kong and the mainland will certainly turn the page as well. The historical role Hong Kong played during the 1989 Democracy Movement can never be wiped out. To detach oneself from the mainland and be unconcerned about the June 4 Incident is to be unconcerned about the history and the future of Hong Kong.

According to the opinion survey on the June 4 Incident conducted annually by the University of Hong Kong, the most noticeable change in people's view was their increasingly negative perception of human rights conditions on the mainland. Although there were still 47% of the respondents who thought China's human rights conditions had become better compared to 1989, the proportion was in fact the second lowest on record across all the years since the handover. The percentage of respondents who thought China's human rights conditions have worsen compared to 1989 rose 5 percentage points to 28%, the highest since the start of the annual survey in 1993.

The central government has emphasised the need to uphold "four self-confidences", namely the confidence in the path, theories, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. However, overconfidence in oneself may sometimes lead to self-conceit and failure to notice one's inadequacies. Over the decades Hong Kong has played an important role in being an honest voice who, in the hope that the mainland can align with international standards, has pointed out the mainland's inadequacies in the political, legal and democratic dimensions. There has not been any slightest change in this role since the 1989 Democracy Movement. Unless somebody maintains that the development of China — be it for the better or worse — will not affect Hong Kong, Hong Kong people should have the courage to make themselves heard, commending what is right and condemning what is wrong on the mainland. Persistence in demanding the rehabilitation of people involved in the incident is simply a reflection of this rationale.

What deserves our concern, however, is that the will of Hong Kong people in demanding the rehabilitation seems to have weakened in recent years. This year's HKU survey shows that 54% of respondents supported the rehabilitation, the second lowest percentage over the past ten years. Those who were against this reached 24%, the second highest in a decade. Are Hong Kong people responsible for the enhancement of democratic development in China? There are diverse views in society over this question and it is hard to reach a conclusion. But let us put it another way. We believe most people will agree that Hong Kong stands to gain more than it loses if the mainland becomes more democratic, liberal and tolerant in political terms. Therefore, as well as for the sake of building a democratic China, one can also say fighting for the rehabilitation of those involved in the June 4 Incident is for the sake of Hong Kong.

In fact, Hong Kong people's remembrance of June 4 is an extremely local political movement. Denying the remembrance of June 4 is like denying the history of Hong Kong people. Some young may have adopted the idea of severing the connection with the mainland because of their disgust for mainland. They think they only need to focus on Hong Kong and take no notice of the mainland. However, the mainland has always been there. The connection between the two sides can never be severed. It is impossible to say "none of my business". Insisting on remembering June 4 is not evading the reality. On the contrary, it is boldly facing the complicated relationship between Hong Kong and the mainland.

愛國情懷雖存代溝 看待六四不能冷漠

六四事件29周年將至，最新民意調查顯示，港人支持平反六四比例，是10年來第二低，新一代對悼念六四冷淡，折射了年輕人對內地愈益感到疏離。新一代普遍沒有上一代的愛國情懷，現實如此勉強不來，然而香港與內地命運交纏，亦是不能迴避的政治現實，如果有朝一日內地對八九民運有了新的評價，內地與香港關係也必然會迎來嶄新局面。香港在八九民運的角色，永遠不會從歷史中抹走；抱着鴕鳥心態，要與內地割席，冷漠看待六四，等同冷漠看待香港的歷史和未來。

港大發表一年一度的六四周年民意調查，當中變化最為明顯的，是市民對內地人權狀况看法愈益負面。認為現今內地人權狀况較1989年有改善的受訪者，雖然仍有47％，然而其實是回歸以來第二低；認為當前中國人權狀况較1989年惡劣的比例，則升了5個百分點，達到28%，是1993年調查開始以來最高。

中央強調「四個自信」（即道路自信、理論自信、制度自信、文化自信），然而過度自信，有時可能變得自負，忽略不足的一面。數十年來香港扮演的一個重要角色，就是充當老實人，指出內地在政治、法治、民主等方面的缺失，希望內地與國際標準接軌，由八九民運到今時今日，這一角色從來沒有改變。除非有人認為，內地發展好壞不會影響香港，否則港人就應該敢於發聲，對內地是其是非其非。堅持平反六四，不過是這一思路的反映。

然而值得關注是，港人要求平反六四的意志，近年似乎變得薄弱。今年港大民調顯示，支持平反六四的受訪比率為54%，是近10年第二低；不支持的比率則是24%，是10年來第二高。港人是否有責任推動中國民主發展，社會意見紛紜難有結論，可是換個角度討論，相信大多數港人都會認同，內地政治變得更加民主、開放和包容，對本港利多於弊。堅持平反六四，可以是為了建設民主中國，也可以是為了香港。

港人悼念六四，本身便是一場極為本土的政治運動，否定悼念六四，猶如否定香港人的歷史。部分年輕人對內地的厭惡情緒，令他們產生了割斷與內地聯繫的念頭，認為只需聚焦香港，視內地如同「透明」，然而對香港來說，內地因素是客觀存在，根本切斷不了，遑論「與我何干」。堅持悼念六四，其實是勇敢直面香港與內地的複雜關係，而不是逃避現實。