十九大修黨章 習思想將面世

<轉載自2017年9月25日 明報 社評>

中共中央政治局上周開會，宣布下月召開的中共十九大將「根據新形勢新任務對黨章進行適當修改」， 並明確提出「要把黨的十九大報告確立的重大理論觀點和重大戰略思想寫入黨章……充分體現黨的十八大以來黨中央提出的治國理政新理念新思想新戰略」。這意味着，近5年來習近平的施政理念，很有機會被寫入中共黨章，而是否會以習近平之名命名，也引人矚目。

領袖思想入章慣例 習近平創最快紀錄

受中國傳統「名不正則言不順，言不順則事不利」之說影響，中共向來重視理念論述，奉為圭臬的馬克思主義自不待言，後來的毛澤東思想、鄧小平理論都曾是時代的標誌，近30年執政的江澤民和胡錦濤，也分別有「三個代表」重要思想和「科學發展觀」面世。上述理論都已寫入黨章，成為中共指導思想。因此，將習近平的施政理念寫入黨章也是順理成章之事。

不過，「毛澤東思想」寫入黨章是在1945年中共七大上，距離1935年遵義會議確立毛在黨內的主導地位已過去10年；「鄧小平理論」入黨章則是在他已經離世的1997年中共十五大上；而江澤民的「三個代表」思想及胡錦濤的「科學發展觀」寫入黨章，也都是在兩人卸任總書記的黨代會上才成事的。習近平的理論思想若在他執政5年即寫入黨章，可謂創造了中共領導人思想「入章」的最短紀錄。

中共領袖的理論不是務虛的噱頭，而是對治國理政的路線、方針、政策有着深遠的影響。毛澤東思想中「繼續革命」的錯誤理念，造成了「文化大革命」的十年浩劫；鄧小平理論中的「一個中心（以經濟建設為中心），兩個基本點（堅持改革開放和四項基本原則）」，彰顯的務實路線，給中國帶入新發展階段；「三個代表」思想將中共的性質由「工人階級先鋒隊」變身為「中華民族先鋒隊」，允許資本家入黨，意在由革命黨轉為執政黨；「科學發展觀」則中止了唯GDP至上的野蠻發展路線，把「又快又好」改成「又好又快」，開創可持續發展的新紀元。

習近平反覆強調，中國處於「社會主義初級階段」的基本國情沒有變，但卻面臨「三個前所未有」，即「前所未有地靠近世界舞台中心，前所未有地接近實現中華民族偉大復興的目標，前所未有地具有實現這個目標的能力和信心」。不過，他也承認中國經濟現時正處於「三期疊加」，即從高速到中高速的增長速度換檔期、結構調整陣痛期、前期刺激（4萬億等）政策消化期，困難相互交織。正是基於上述判斷，十八大以來，習近平推出了現時被官方冠以「黨中央治國理政新理念新思想新戰略」連串理論。

治港思路再續5年 命名彰顯時代開啟

這些理論無論如何命名，內涵應該都離不開實現中華民族復興的「中國夢」，以及全面建成小康社會、全面深化改革、全面依法治國、全面從嚴治黨的「四個全面」，創新、協調、綠色、開放、共享的「五大發展理念」；經濟上，強調適應新常態，實施「三去（去產能、去庫存、去槓桿）一降（降成本）一補（補短板）」的供給側結構改革；外交上，提出「人類命運共同體」概念和「一帶一路」倡議；在地區發展方面，繼京津冀協同發展、長江經濟帶之後，又有雄安新區規劃及粵港澳大灣區構想。按照國新辦主任蔣建國的說法，習近平5年的理論與實踐，已形成了一套「思想體系」，對其作出「更準確、更科學的概括」，也是「水到渠成、順理成章」。

習近平的治港思路，集中反映在他今年「七一」訪港時的幾次講話，即堅持「一國兩制」不動搖、不走樣、不變形；把在香港成功落實「一國兩制」當作中共治國理政的組成部分，亦是實現「中國夢」的重要組成部分；從國家主權、安全、發展利益的高度看待香港問題；突顯中央政府在港權利以及憲法在香港特區的地位。同時鼓勵港人相信自己、相信香港、相信國家，抓住國家發展機遇，共享民族復興榮耀。這一治港方針，相信在十九大政治報告以及今後5年的中央治港路線中繼續體現，對此，港人宜有清醒的認知及充分的心理準備。

最後，寫入黨章的習近平施政理念或思想會冠以什麼名義也大有講究。中共歷史上，以個人名字命名的理論和思想，只有「毛澤東思想」和「鄧小平理論」，「三個代表」思想和「科學發展觀」，都未被冠上江澤民和胡錦濤的名字，反映江、胡兩人在黨內的人望尚不足以與毛、鄧媲美。如果十九大新黨章中新的思想理論被冠上習近平個人之名，則意味着其在中共黨內的地位已超越江、胡，與毛、鄧比肩，而十九大也標誌着中共的「習近平時代」已經到來。

Xi Thought is about to see light

THE POLITICAL BUREAU of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) met last week and has announced that, at shijiuda (the 19th National Congress of the CPC, which is to take place next month), "the CPC's constitution will be suitably amended in the light of the new situation and its new tasks". It has declared that "the major theoretical viewpoints and major strategic thoughts established in the shijiuda report of the Party have to be written into its constitution so that the new ideas, new thoughts and new strategies pertaining to the administration and government of the country the Central Committee of the Party has put forward since the end of the 18th National Congress of the Party can be fully embodied."

However it may be called, the substance of such theories will supposedly include the "China dream" of achieving the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, "the four all-rounds" (all-roundly to bring about a moderately well-off society, all-roundly to deepen the reform, all-roundly to run the country in accordance with the law and all-roundly to run the Party strictly) and "the five major ideas of development" (innovation, coordination, green, openness and sharing). Economically, the CPC will stress adapting to the new normalcy and carrying out supply-side structural reform characterised with "getting rid of capacity, inventory and leverage, bringing down costs and making up for short staves". Diplomatically, it will put forward the "community of human destiny" idea and "one belt one road" proposals. As for regional development, Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei coordinated development and the Changjiang economic belt will be followed by the planning of the Xiong'an New Area and the concept of the Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao Greater Bay Area. According to Director of the State Council Information Office Jiang Jianguo, it is a matter of course to sum up "more accurately and more scientifically what Xi theorises and puts into practice, which has over the past five years formed a system of thoughts."

Xi Jinping's ideas about the way Hong Kong should be run are mirrored in a focused way in the few speeches he made when he was in the SAR round July 1 this year. They are, to wit, adhering unswervingly to "one country, two systems" lest it should go out of shape; taking it as an integral part of the CPC's government and administration of the country and as an integral part of the realisation of the "China dream" to succeed in implementing "one country, two systems" in Hong Kong; looking at the Hong Kong question from the vantage point of the country's sovereignty, security and interests of development; underscoring the central government's rights and interests in Hong Kong and the constitution's status in the Hong Kong SAR. It will, at the same time, encourage Hongkongers to believe in themselves and the country and seize the opportunities that may arise because of the country's development and partake of the glory of national rejuvenation. This policy about the way Hong Kong should be run will conceivably continue to be embodied in the shijiuda political report and the line the central government will follow in the next five years in dealing with matters concerning the SAR. Hongkongers should be so sober as to realise this situation and fully brace themselves psychologically for it.

Finally, much can be said about what epithet the set of Xi thoughts to be written into the CPC constitution will carry. "Mao Zedong Thought" and "Deng Xiaoping Theory" are the only sets of theories and ideas that have been named after the Party's leaders since its foundation. The "Three Represents" thought has not been named after its author (Jiang Zemin), nor was the "Scientific Outlook on Development" (authored by Hu Jintao). That shows neither Jiang's popularity among the CPC members nor Hu's compares with Mao's or Deng's. If the new Thought written into the CPC constitution bears Xi's name, one may say that Xi's status in the CPC has surpassed Jiang's and Hu's and attained the level of Mao's and Deng's and that shijiuda marks the beginning of the CPC's "Xi Jinping era".

十九大修黨章 習思想將面世

中共中央政治局上周開會，宣布下月召開的中共十九大將「根據新形勢新任務對黨章進行適當修改」， 並明確提出「要把黨的十九大報告確立的重大理論觀點和重大戰略思想寫入黨章……充分體現黨的十八大以來黨中央提出的治國理政新理念新思想新戰略」。

這些理論無論如何命名，內涵應該都離不開實現中華民族復興的「中國夢」，以及全面建成小康社會、全面深化改革、全面依法治國、全面從嚴治黨的「四個全面」，創新、協調、綠色、開放、共享的「五大發展理念」；經濟上，強調適應新常態，實施「三去（去產能、去庫存、去槓桿）一降（降成本）一補（補短板）」的供給側結構改革；外交上，提出「人類命運共同體」概念和「一帶一路」倡議；在地區發展方面，繼京津冀協同發展、長江經濟帶之後，又有雄安新區規劃及粵港澳大灣區構想。按照國新辦主任蔣建國的說法，習近平5年的理論與實踐，已形成了一套「思想體系」，對其作出「更準確、更科學的概括」，也是「水到渠成、順理成章」。

習近平的治港思路，集中反映在他今年「七一」訪港時的幾次講話，即堅持「一國兩制」不動搖、不走樣、不變形；把在香港成功落實「一國兩制」當作中共治國理政的組成部分，亦是實現「中國夢」的重要組成部分；從國家主權、安全、發展利益的高度看待香港問題；突顯中央政府在港權利以及憲法在香港特區的地位。同時鼓勵港人相信自己、相信香港、相信國家，抓住國家發展機遇，共享民族復興榮耀。這一治港方針，相信在十九大政治報告以及今後5年的中央治港路線中繼續體現，對此，港人宜有清醒的認知及充分的心理準備。

最後，寫入黨章的習近平施政理念或思想會冠以什麼名義也大有講究。中共歷史上，以個人名字命名的理論和思想，只有「毛澤東思想」和「鄧小平理論」，「三個代表」思想和「科學發展觀」，都未被冠上江澤民和胡錦濤的名字，反映江、胡兩人在黨內的人望尚不足以與毛、鄧媲美。如果十九大新黨章中新的思想理論被冠上習近平個人之名，則意味着其在中共黨內的地位已超越江、胡，與毛、鄧比肩，而十九大也標誌着中共的「習近平時代」已經到來。