<轉載自2015年1月19日 明報 社評>
日本國會在新年伊始通過2015年的國家預算案,軍費連續3年增加,並創下歷史新高的4.98萬億日圓,折合約3300億港元。從日本這次的購物清單來看,重點在於對應中國已是不言自明,當中包括購置20架最新型的美製P-1反潛機,以及建設針對釣魚島的警備專隊。這些項目勢必引起中國軍方反彈,圍繞東海海域的軍事活動必然大增,若因為去年亞太經合組織會議(APEC)期間中日首腦會面,以及中日「四點共識」而對東海局勢樂觀,在最新的形勢下,今年可能會失望了。
軍費增加創下新高 日本著意東海爭逐
去年11月的習近平與安倍晉三北京之會前,中日雙方就歷史問題、釣魚島主權等達成四點共識,為習近平與安倍會面「鋪平道路」。然而會面之後,日本方面外相岸田文雄透出一種說法﹕四點共識由於沒有簽署,不具法律效力。對於日本的態度,中國未見強烈反駁,這麼一來,究竟這四點共識是否確實反映中日兩國最高層領袖的意願,這些意願是否可以最終實現,中日雙方的各自表述態度,令到四點共識的效用成疑;甚至有人懷疑,這純粹是為了一場25分鐘的首腦會面而設的下台階,認為最終是中國為了讓APEC不至缺了日本而吃了外交大虧。
中國到底是否真的吃虧,需要日後觀察,但顯然四點共識沒有起到應有的作用,因為安倍回國後解散眾議院舉行大選,執政自民黨取得勝利,保住政權的強勢,跟著便是通過國家預算案。連串動作,都是為了鞏固安倍政權,從而為未來的更大舉動作鋪墊,包括極可能在今年發生的修改和平憲法之舉。第一個體驗日本外交方針調整的便是軍事開支的增加,儘管日本須面對朝鮮以及俄羅斯,但從軍備開支的側重點可以看到,東海才是這次歷史新高軍費的要旨所在。
安倍晉三上台後,連串針對中國的做法出台,兩年間出訪半百個國家,所推行的外交名為「價值觀外交」,重點只有一個——批鬥中國。近日,正在印度訪問的外相岸田文雄更大放厥詞,指中印兩國有主權爭議的藏南地區,是印度領土。本來,若兩個處於地緣政治或軍事利益衝突邊緣的國家針鋒相對,出現類似的鬥爭在歷史上並非少見,昔日的美蘇便是如此,可是,如今中日的關係是否有著昔年美蘇的敵對強度,惹人質疑。既然如此,日本的做法眼點並不是在於全面恢復中日關係,而是另有所圖。如今軍費出台,購置武器似為全面針對東海事態,中日就釣魚島的糾紛發展至今,以及冷凍多時的兩國關係,更不可能在一時三刻即能解凍。
篡改歷史雙線行動 四點共識有等於無
如此悲觀的原因,在於安倍政權從根本上已無意實踐四點共識,因為四點共識的第二點「正視歷史,面向未來」,日本近期對此屢屢作出挑戰,先是有報道稱日本上月向中國表示,中國國家主席習近平去年12月在南京大屠殺紀念日所說的30萬同胞被殺,日方認為人數「不妥當」、「不符合日方的見解,解為具體受害人數難以確定」。中國方面則不知何故,到了上周四才在外交部新聞發布會回應,發言人洪磊的回應只是輕描淡寫的「中方敦促日方誠實履行正視和反省侵略歷史的承諾」。中國如此反應遲緩以及低調,與去年APEC前的高調反日,令人得出較前軟弱得多的觀感;若是果真如是,難怪日本得寸進尺,大肆擴軍。
日本面對歷史更是雙線出擊,外務省承認駐外機構向美國著名教科書出版商McGraw Hill接觸,要求修改該出版商的教科書中有關「慰安婦」的內容,認為「當中的描述與我們國家立場有衝突」。從否定南京大屠殺死難數字,到對「慰安婦」的描述諸多插手,日本對歷史的態度顯然未有如中日四點共識而做到以史為鑑,反而是變本加厲公然篡改內容,這就不由得人們認定,所謂四點共識,已變成用完即棄的空洞承諾,從未實踐。
在如此氣候之下,中日關係難以令人樂觀,去年人們曾經善意地預期,經過領袖峰會,幾年來劍拔弩張的氣氛會放緩,如今看來該是放棄幻想的時候,重新認識新時期的中日關係。今年是二戰結束70年,日本亦由當年一片廢墟輾轉成為經濟大國,可是當今的日本主政者卻三番四次鑽歷史的空子;戰敗的教訓,看來在一些日本政客的記憶中,早已忘了。
East China Sea is turbulent
NO SOONER had the new
year begun than the Japanese government's 2015 budget went through the Japanese
diet. Japan's military spending has kept going up over the past three years and
reached Y4.98 trillion, or HK$330 billion, a new high. It is evident from its
procurement list that Japan now focuses on dealing with China.
Before Xi Jinping and Shinzo Abe met last November in
Beijing, China and Japan had reached a four-point consensus about a number of
issues including history and the Diaoyu dispute to pave the way for the Xi-Abe
meeting. However, Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida has since come up
with the idea that the four-point consensus is not legally binding because it
has not been signed.
Since he came to power, Abe has taken a series of
measures directed at China. Over the past two years, he has visited fifty
countries to pursue what is called "values diplomacy" for the sole
main purpose of denouncing China. Recently, Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio
Kishida, now in India on a visit, has outrageously declared that South Tibet,
about which China has a sovereignty dispute with India, is Indian territory.
This being the case, one may say Japan does not aim at patching things up with
China. It has other ends to serve. It is impossible for relations between the
two countries, which have been icy, to thaw in a short time.
We are pessimistic because it is clear that the Abe
administration has no intention at all of carrying out the four-point consensus
and, recently, Japan has repeatedly challenged the second point of it -
"facing history squarely and looking forward to the future". Last
December Chinese President Xi Jinping said at a ceremony marking the Nanjing
massacre that 300,000 compatriots were then slaughtered. It has been reported
that Japan told China last month that the figure was "not right" and
what Xi said "disagreed with its understanding because it was hard to
ascertain the number of victims".
Japan has launched an offensive about history on another
front. Its Ministry of Foreign Affairs has admitted that one of Japan's
overseas agencies has asked McGraw Hill, a renowned textbook publisher
in the US, to revise the part about "comfort women" in a textbook it
has published, saying, "The description in question is at variance with
our country's position." Japan's attempts to dispute the number of Nanjing
massacre victims and statements about "comfort women" is proof that
it refuses to take warning from history as it should under the four-point
consensus. As Japan has instead tried even harder flagrantly to falsify
history, one cannot but be convinced that the so-called four-point consensus is
a disposable pledge that has never been carried out.
The climate is such that one can hardly be optimistic
about Sino-Japanese relations. Last year, people fondly expected the summit
between the two countries' leaders to ease the tense atmosphere that prevailed
when they seemed at daggers drawn. Evidently, it is time people became
disillusioned and got to know what Sino-Japanese relations are like in the new
era. It is seven decades since World War II ended, and Japan, which was then in
ruins, is now an economic power. However, those who run Japan now have
repeatedly made use of loopholes in history. Clearly, the lesson of Japan's
defeat disappeared from some Japanese politicians' memories a long time ago.
日增軍費圖篡侵略史 東海風高浪急難平靜
日本國會在新年伊始通過2015年的國家預算案,軍費連續3年增加,並創下歷史新高的4.98萬億日圓,折合約3300億港元。從日本這次的購物清單來看,重點在於對應中國已是不言自明。
去年11月的習近平與安倍晉三北京之會前,中日雙方就歷史問題、釣魚島主權等達成四點共識,為習近平與安倍會面「鋪平道路」。然而會面之後,日本方面外相岸田文雄透出一種說法﹕四點共識由於沒有簽署,不具法律效力。
安倍晉三上台後,連串針對中國的做法出台,兩年間出訪半百個國家,所推行的外交名為「價值觀外交」,重點只有一個——批鬥中國。近日,正在印度訪問的外相岸田文雄更大放厥詞,指中印兩國有主權爭議的藏南地區,是印度領土。既然如此,日本的做法眼點並不是在於全面恢復中日關係,而是另有所圖,冷凍多時的兩國關係,更不可能在一時三刻即能解凍。
安倍政權從根本上已無意實踐四點共識,因為四點共識的第二點「正視歷史,面向未來」,日本近期對此屢屢作出挑戰,先是有報道稱日本上月向中國表示,中國國家主席習近平去年12月在南京大屠殺紀念日所說的30萬同胞被殺,日方認為人數「不妥當」、「不符合日方的見解,因為具體受害人數難以確定」。
日本面對歷史更是雙線出擊,外務省承認駐外機構向美國著名教科書出版商McGraw Hill接觸,要求修改該出版商的教科書中有關「慰安婦」的內容,認為「當中的描述與我們國家立場有衝突」。從否定南京大屠殺死難數字,到對「慰安婦」的描述諸多插手,日本對歷史的態度顯然未有如中日四點共識而做到以史為鑑,反而是變本加厲公然篡改內容,這就不由得人們認定,所謂四點共識,已變成用完即棄的空洞承諾,從未實踐。
在如此氣候之下,中日關係難以令人樂觀,去年人們曾經善意地預期,經過領袖峰會,幾年來劍拔弩張的氣氛會放緩,如今看來該是放棄幻想的時候,重新認識新時期的中日關係。今年是二戰結束70年,日本亦由當年一片廢墟輾轉成為經濟大國,可是當今的日本主政者卻三番四次鑽歷史的空子;戰敗的教訓,看來在一些日本政客的記憶中,早已忘了。
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