公開權力清單 還要確定權力邊界

<轉載自2014年3月10日 明報 社評>

國務院總理李克強的首份《政府工作報告》，港人最關注的當然是不見了「港人治港，高度自治」字句，但報告中77次提到改革。可以說，改革的主題貫穿整份報告。特別是李克強在報告中提出以「簡政放權」為核心的行政體制改革，首次提出了「權力清單」的概念，又確令人有所期待。

李克強在《政府工作報告》中指出，當前改革已進入攻堅期和深水區，必須「以壯士斷腕的決心、背水一戰的氣概，衝破思想觀念的束縛，突破利益固化的藩籬」來全面深化各領域改革；並提出要「讓全社會創造潛力充分釋放，讓公平正義得以彰顯，讓全體人民共享改革發展成果」。他指出，進一步簡政放權是政府的自我革命，「要建立權力清單制度，一律向社會公開。清單之外的，一律不得實施審批」。

上述表述與李克強2月11日在國務院廉政工作會議講話的主旨一脈相承，在那次講話中，他提出「對市場主體，是『法無禁止即可為』；而對政府，則是『法無授權不可為』」。這番話鏗鏘有力，但關鍵是落實，是行動。「法治政府」的概念，固然令民眾充滿期待，而人們更期待的則是「法治國家」。我們希望，李克強的上述要求，不僅國務院各部門要做到，內地黨政軍各級部門都應比照執行。

政府限權已有進展 執政黨限權應起步

但人們看到內地的現實卻是，各級黨政部門的「權力清單」並不清晰，「權力邊界」無遠弗屆，無所不包。大到政法委對法院、檢察院的判案、檢控的干預，宣傳部門對傳媒的報道、影劇內容的審查，小到大專院校對教師學生課堂討論的限制，甚至網民的微博、網誌和微信的言論，都有各種各樣有形無形的禁區。有誰能數得出中宣部的「權力清單」？又有誰能劃得出政法委的「權力邊界」？這些問題不能解決，又如何能釋放出全社會的創造潛力？如何能彰顯公平正義？

早有內地學者建議，中國政治體制改革毋須照搬西方模式，可以分三步走﹕第一步限制官員個人權力，第二步限制政府權力，第三步限制執政黨權力。近年，內地在限制官員個人權力方面已經做了很多事，取得了相當的進展，山西、廣東、安徽等多省已公布限制「一把手」權力的措施，黨政主要領導不再直接分管人事、財務、工程建設、行政審批和物資採購等事項；李克強主導的簡政放權，正在做限制政府權力的努力，國務院去年已分批取消和下放了416項行政審批事項，今年承諾再取消下放200項，但現在國務院各部門行政審批事項還有1000多項，仍任重道遠；至於限制執政黨的權力，現在還未破題，也應該提上議程，開始起步。

「你懂的」皇帝新衣 實話難說危及政權

現代國家，公權力的行使是有邊界的，不能「上管天、下管地、中間管空氣」。所謂依法行政，既是指公權力淵源於法律，也是指公權力行使的邊界應止於法律的限定。公權力的邊界，並不因其動機的良好而消失。在法律規定的領域之外，公權力不能隨意限制和侵犯公民的私權利，不管這種限制和侵犯是以什麼動聽的理由和美好的動機。

公權力邊界不清，人民的權力就會受壓縮。在當今中國，若論還權於民者，首推言論批評權，「杜天下之口，非社稷之福」。在今年「兩會」中，貴為政協發言人對幾乎盡人皆知的「大老虎」周永康貪腐案，也不得不用「你懂得」這類玄句來應對，不啻是「皇帝新衣」的現代版，令人唏噓。一個國家的政治，若到了實話不能實說，非得繞彎子說，迂迴地說，才能於時局有所小補的時候，政治空氣就已經相當惡劣了。如果有責任感的熱血之士，不是變成八面玲瓏的「巧嘴八哥」，就是投身反對陣營，挺身抗爭而變成「烈士」，一個政權又怎能服眾？

權力清單要公開，權力邊界也要清晰。時代在前進，國家要進步，在21世紀的今天，如果觀念還停留在「打天下，坐江山」的封建皇權時代，遲早要被浩浩蕩蕩的歷史潮流所淘汰。

IN his first government work report Premier Li Keqiang omitted to mention "Hong Kong people running Hong Kong" and "a high degree of autonomy". That of course concerns Hong Kong people. However, in it he mentioned "reform" seventy-seven times. One may say "reform" is the keynote of it. In particular, he talked about administrative reform essentially characterised by "streamlining and decentralisation" and first mentioned the "list of powers" idea. That has indeed aroused expectations.

He said in the government work report that it was necessary to deepen the reform on all fronts so that everyone might bring into play his creative potential, fairness and justice would be manifest and everyone would share the fruits of reform. He pointed out that further streamlining and decentralisation would be a government-initiated revolution, adding, "It is necessary to put in place a system under which public bodies are required to make public their respective lists of powers."

The foregoing remark is in the same strain as what Li Keqiang said at a State Council meeting about clean government held on February 11. He then said, "In the market, whatever the law does not prohibit is permissible. As for the government, it must not do anything the law does not empower it to do." Such remarks are forceful, but it is important to act upon the idea - to put it into practice. The idea of a law-abiding government may fill people with hope, but people look more eagerly forward to China's becoming a place where the law rules. We hope not only all departments under the State Council but all other government bodies and all organs of the Party and the military will comply with the requirement Li Keqiang mentioned in his government work report.

In a modern country, a public body's powers should remain within certain confines. No public body has jurisdiction over "heaven, earth and the atmosphere between them". A public body must abide by the law. That means its powers derive from the law and are delimited by the law. The confines of its powers do not disappear because of its good intentions. No public body may violate or arbitrarily restrict any private citizen's rights, however pleasing to the ear its reason for doing so may be and however good its motive for doing so may be.

If it is not clear where the confines of a public body's powers lie, people's rights will be curtailed. In China today, the right that ought to be restored to the people first is that to criticise the authorities. "It does the nation no good to gag the people." In Beijing, where the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) is in session, such a dignitary as the CPPCC spokesperson has referred to the corruption case of Zhou Yongkang, the "big tiger", enigmatically as "you know what" though the facts of it are common knowledge. That is lamentable. When the political situation in a country is such that a spade must not be called a spade and only if people make oblique comments can they hope to improve things a little, one may say the political atmosphere in it is quite bad. How will a regime be trusted when ardent people with a sense of duty must become glib popinjays or risk being "martyred" by joining the opposition and fighting against it?

Public bodies' lists of powers should be made public, and their powers must be clearly delimited. Times are moving forward. The nation ought to make progress. Now in the 21st century, the government will be washed away sooner or later by the mighty tide of history if it clings to ideas similar to those prevalent in the days when a monarch (whose ancestor had seized power) ruled the land.

公開權力清單 還要確定權力邊界

國務院總理李克強的首份《政府工作報告》，港人最關注的當然是不見了「港人治港，高度自治」字句，但報告中77次提到改革。可以說，改革的主題貫穿整份報告。特別是李克強在報告中提出以「簡政放權」為核心的行政體制改革，首次提出了「權力清單」的概念，又確令人有所期待。

李克強在《政府工作報告》中指出必須全面深化各領域改革；並提出要「讓全社會創造潛力充分釋放，讓公平正義得以彰顯，讓全體人民共享改革發展成果」。他指出，進一步簡政放權是政府的自我革命，「要建立權力清單制度，一律向社會公開」。

上述表述與李克強2月11日在國務院廉政工作會議講話的主旨一脈相承，在那次講話中，他提出「對市場主體，是『法無禁止即可為』；而對政府，則是『法無授權不可為』」。這番話鏗鏘有力，但關鍵是落實，是行動。「法治政府」的概念，固然令民眾充滿期待，而人們更期待的則是「法治國家」。我們希望，李克強的上述要求，不僅國務院各部門要做到，內地黨政軍各級部門都應比照執行。

現代國家，公權力的行使是有邊界的，不能「上管天、下管地、中間管空氣」。所謂依法行政，既是指公權力淵源於法律，也是指公權力行使的邊界應止於法律的限定。公權力的邊界，並不因其動機的良好而消失。在法律規定的領域之外，公權力不能隨意限制和侵犯公民的私權利，不管這種限制和侵犯是以什麼動聽的理由和美好的動機。

公權力邊界不清，人民的權力就會受壓縮。在當今中國，若論還權於民者，首推言論批評權，「杜天下之口，非社稷之福」。在今年「兩會」中，貴為政協發言人對幾乎盡人皆知的「大老虎」周永康貪腐案，也不得不用「你懂得」這類玄句來應對，令人唏噓。一個國家的政治，若到了實話不能實說，非得繞彎子說，迂迴地說，才能於時局有所小補的時候，政治空氣就已經相當惡劣了。如果有責任感的熱血之士，不是變成八面玲瓏的「巧嘴八哥」，就是投身反對陣營，挺身抗爭而變成「烈士」，一個政權又怎能服眾？

權力清單要公開，權力邊界也要清晰。時代在前進，國家要進步，在21世紀的今天，如果觀念還停留在「打天下，坐江山」的封建皇權時代，遲早要被浩浩蕩蕩的歷史潮流所淘汰。