調查2008年四川地震豆腐渣工程的內地維權人士譚作人，被當局以「煽動顛覆國家政權罪」判囚5年，上周四出獄後當天即被人接走，兩個女兒到翌日都不知理應已經恢復自由的父親身在何方。譚妻王慶華通過朋友表示，由於譚作人正處於為期3年的政治剝奪期，不便接受採訪。
譚作人為世所知，是他力主查辦川震期間的豆腐渣工程。據他歷時7次共3000公里的調查所得，地震中教師學生死亡人數5781名，其中因建築質量差劣而死為3067人；其後四川省公布，沒有一名師生死於豆腐渣工程。如此巨大落差，惹來民間對官方「調查」的質疑，就在此時，譚作人被控散播六四事件文章為由，重判5年。
揭破豆腐渣工程 才真正有利改革
豆腐渣工程存在是不容爭辯的事實，震後建築專家現場觀察，發現不少疑為豆腐渣工程的災場殘垣脆弱不堪。一場天災再加人禍，民心波動，可是當局沒有對症下藥，全力追查豆腐渣工程始末，卻以「維穩」出發，倒過來以六四事件為罪名拘捕譚作人。明眼人都知，這「散發六四事件文章」只是藉口，其實是要譚作人的豆腐渣工程調查就此閉嘴以求穩定。
維穩近年儼如是比起保家衛國還要吃重的政治任務，在此一目標之下，被認為足以影響政權穩定的都嚴厲打壓，譚作人是其中之一，為毒奶粉嬰兒追討公道的趙連海是其中之二。然而，於中共公檢法部門而言，打壓譚作人及趙連海有其所謂「說法」，但諾貝爾和平獎得主劉曉波妻子劉霞、天安門母親之一的丁子霖這些卻連一個罪名都沒有，卻屢屢人身自由遭到侵害。劉霞困在屋裏無法接觸朋友，丁子霖每年六四前夕就被架走離開北京，今年是六四事件25周年，從譚作人出獄後當晚人影杳然來看，恐怕今年六四前維穩氣氛會相當緊張。
2008年是中共建政以來相當重要的一年，主辦北京奧運在前，金融海嘯之中屹立不倒在後，乘勢超越日本成為世界第二大經濟體，美國從總統到財長都到北京盼求買美債濟燃眉之急。於此一層次而言，中共是「崛起」了，理應底氣十足，應該更具信心面對內部矛盾。可是，一向樂觀的海外人士對此大為失望，譚作人案的冤，李旺陽案的慘，趙連海案的無理，還有對弱質女流劉霞丁子霖的壓迫，中國人民實在不可能在政治低氣壓之下心情舒暢，難以同心同德發展國家。
儘管近年北京當局再三提出「社會和諧」等目標，也有一些動作，例如打下一些貪官讓民眾消消氣，也有取消勞改制度、部分法院審判時微博直播、判決書上載互聯網等；習近平上台後提出「中國夢」，上周四他在訪問法國時說中國這頭獅子已經睡醒，還說這是一頭「和平、可親、文明的獅子」。這些動作和言辭能否確切實現，讓更大程度的民主及自由降臨神州大地，從目前的情看，聽其言還須觀其行。
壞事密 愈維穩愈不穩 無異抱石頭砸自己的腳
維穩是統治階層認為可以「治標」的手段，通過拘捕起訴等「依法治國」程序，打壓社會上的不同聲音。必須指出，諸如譚作人、趙連海等案，其主要目標絕大部分是追求公義，與挑戰中共政權無大關連。但正由於中共治下社會公義匱缺，維穩這些只能在某程度上治標的做法，由於其不講究公平公義的本質，反而愈維愈不穩。以譚作人調查豆腐渣工程為例，若能循譚的調查追究下去，拘捕嫌疑犯人，反而是為民做了一件大好事。可是以中共當下的治國邏輯，卻是怕深挖之後把劣根都刨出來，於是才有壞事密的維穩之舉，殊不知這卻把中共自己和貪污枉法官員綑綁一起，套用一句內地政治術語，那是「抱起石頭砸自己的腳」。
打倒「四人幫」後，海內外對中共期望甚殷，認為可以從「文革」得出教訓，即專政獨裁無法長治久安，故對中共有期許。中共卻往往令人失望而回，六四鎮壓即屬如此，之後近10年的維穩愈加惡化，人們對中共的善意期待即將消耗淨盡。中共十一屆三中全會之後30多年，內地經濟改革一直方興未艾，終臻經濟大國行列，可是上層建築的政治改革難展大步，仍是第三世界水平。兩不配套的政治及經濟制度並行，帶出的是維穩怪獸橫行，「崛起」只是經濟層面，中國此刻說不上是完全的一個大國，未來是內部矛盾惡化抑或人民富足安樂，端視中共在政治改革十字街頭何去何從。
Stability maintenance
TAN ZUOREN, a mainland human rights
activist who investigated tofu-dreg constructions in Sichuan in 2008, was given
a five-year jail sentence for "inciting subversion
of state power". He was released last Thursday (March 27), but he was
taken away the same day. The next day, even his two daughters had no idea where
he was, who was supposed to have regained his liberty.
2008
was an important year in the history of the regime of the Communist Party of
China (CPC). That year, China hosted the Beijing Olympics and, having emerged unscathed
from the financial tsunami, it surpassed Japan and became the second largest economy
in the world. Both the President and the Secretary of the Treasury of the US
went to Beijing to ask China to help it tide over dire difficulties by buying
US debts. In this sense, China has risen. One may think it has such vitality
that it can deal with internal contradictions with greater confidence. However,
even the optimistic have been disappointed. Tan Zuoren has suffered gross
injustices. Li Wangyang died an atrocious death. The way Zhao Lianhai has been
dealt with flies in the face of reason. Ding Zilin and Liu Xia, helpless women,
have been oppressed. Such a political depression is over the country that
Chinese people cannot possibly work happily together with one heart and one
mind for its development.
The
rulers believe measures to maintain stability are effective palliatives. They
seek to suppress dissidence with such procedures they can avail themselves of
in "running the country in accordance with the law" as arrests and
prosecutions. One should point out that most dissidents like Tan Zuoren and
Zhao Lianhai aim only at obtaining justice. Few of them have to do with
threatening the CPC regime. However, it is precisely because justice is rarely
upheld under CPC rule that the authorities' measures to maintain stability
(which are palliative and in nature unfair and unjust) are more detrimental
than conducive to stability. Take the Tan Zuoren case. If the CPC regime had
followed up his investigations and had some suspects arrested, it might have
done the people a good turn. However, it follows its own logic about running
the country. It seeks to cover up what is bad lest deep-rooted evils should be
exposed. It little realises it has, by doing so, tied itself
to corrupt officials who do not scruple to pervert justice. One may say in the
mainland's political jargon that it behaves like a man who lifts a rock only to
drop it on his own feet.
Shortly
after the Gang of Four had been toppled, many pinned high hopes on the CPC in
the belief that it had learnt from the Cultural
Revolution that dictatorship would not lead to lasting stability.
However, the CPC has kept disappointing them. The June 4 quelling is a case in
point. What it has done over the past decade to maintain stability has almost
totally depleted the goodwill people have towards it. The mainland economy has
kept thriving since the third plenum of the 11th CPC Central Committee took
place thirty-odd years ago. China is now an economic power, but its political
structure has yet to be drastically reformed. Its superstructure remains like
that of a third-world country. Because its political system and its economic
system are not compatible, stability maintenance seems a monster going on the
rampage. It is only economically that China has "risen". It is not
yet a power in the fullest sense of the word. Now the reform of its political
structure is at a crossroads. It depends on where it is headed whether people
will be happy and well to do or internal contradictions will intensify on the
mainland.
調查2008年四川地震豆腐渣工程的內地維權人士譚作人，被當局以「煽動顛覆國家政權罪」判囚5年，上周四出獄後當天即被人接走，兩個女兒到翌日都不知理應已經恢復自由的父親身在何方。
2008年是中共建政以來相當重要的一年，主辦北京奧運在前，金融海嘯之中屹立不倒在後，乘勢超越日本成為世界第二大經濟體，美國從總統到財長都到北京盼求買美債濟燃眉之急。於此一層次而言，中共是「崛起」了，理應底氣十足，應該更具信心面對內部矛盾。可是，一向樂觀的海外人士對此大為失望，譚作人案的冤，李旺陽案的慘，趙連海案的無理，還有對弱質女流劉霞丁子霖的壓迫，中國人民實在不可能在政治低氣壓之下心情舒暢，難以同心同德發展國家。
維穩是統治階層認為可以「治標」的手段，通過拘捕起訴等「依法治國」程序，打壓社會上的不同聲音。必須指出，諸如譚作人、趙連海等案，其主要目標絕大部分是追求公義，與挑戰中共政權無大關連。但正由於中共治下社會公義匱缺，維穩這些只能在某程度上治標的做法，由於其不講究公平公義的本質，反而愈維愈不穩。以譚作人調查豆腐渣工程為例，若能循譚的調查追究下去，拘捕嫌疑犯人，反而是為民做了一件大好事。可是以中共當下的治國邏輯，卻是怕深挖之後把劣根都刨出來，於是才有壞事密的維穩之舉，殊不知這卻把中共自己和貪污枉法官員綑綁一起，套用一句內地政治術語，那是「抱起石頭砸自己的腳」。
打倒「四人幫」後，海內外對中共期望甚殷，認為可以從「文革」得出教訓，即專政獨裁無法長治久安，故對中共有期許。中共卻往往令人失望而回，六四鎮壓即屬如此，近10年的維穩愈加惡化，人們對中共的善意期待即將消耗淨盡。中共十一屆三中全會之後30多年，內地經濟改革一直方興未艾，終臻經濟大國行列，可是上層建築的政治改革難展大步，仍是第三世界水平。兩不配套的政治及經濟制度並行，帶出的是維穩怪獸橫行，「崛起」只是經濟層面，中國此刻說不上是完全的一個大國，未來是內部矛盾惡化抑或人民富足安樂，端視中共在政治改革十字街頭何去何從。
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