黨大法大未有定論 依法治國易成空談

<轉載自2014年10月27日 明報 社評>

中共十八屆四中全會閉幕，這次會議由始至終受到注目的原因，是會議重點是「依法治國」，綜合會議公報內容，這次全會就依法治國提出了六大任務以及具體做法。六大任務當中，包括了加強憲法實施、加快建設法治政府、提高司法公信力、增強全民法治觀念、加強法治隊伍建設，以及最受注目的中共「黨的領導」。前五項若能按此目標切實發展，當是內地法治觀念抬頭的彰顯，對內地人民更是好事；但是「黨的領導」這一環若仍未釐清中共與司法機關的關係，即未能做到司法獨立，前五大任務做得如何出色，依法治國仍然可能是空談。

四中全會新聞公報列出一些以前未見的內容，包括健全憲法實施及監督制度，內地法律學者認為，這可以視為較過去更重視憲法實施，未來人大有望通過監督制度，以助判定某些法律是否違憲。此外，公報中也有提及建立領導幹部干預司法活動、插手具體案件處理的紀錄，要求最高人民法院設立巡迴法庭，於實際司法工作而言，這些安排至低限度在司法工作層次可能起到某些作用。過往內地地方部門書記兼管政法的做法亦在扭轉當中，結合上述的新內容，如果能夠切實執行，對法治工作有一定提升。

四中全會受到注目的原因，是因為中共在打貪運動後的一次全會，一般認為會就中共中央政治局前常委周永康案有所提及，但上周四發表的會議新聞公報沒有提到周永康，這可能是周案仍在調查當中。然而即便如此，周案到底涉及的罪行以及未來的司法程序，仍是內地政治的大事，中共切不可以為可以輕易走過場，否則的話，民心不服，對未來推動法治的努力事倍功半。

政法委高於「兩高」黨大於法彰彰明甚

不過，周永康案畢竟已經展開調查，只差在調查及審訊會否有透明度，讓內地社會從中汲取教訓：像周永康般以「維穩」為名而上下其手，炮製獨立的司法王國政法系統，耗用幾千億維穩經費搞得全國上下緊張兮兮，像2008年北京奧運期間的嚴苛保安措施，北京卻因此變了鐵桶般密不透風。

中央政法委不屬於國家行政部門，是中共黨內一個機關，現任書記是中央政治局委員孟建柱，委員包括最高人民法院院長周強，以及最高人民檢察院檢察長曹健明，兩個本應獨立的法檢系統負責人，都在政法委書記麾下，這種以黨代政的做法，最好在依法治國方針之下清除淨盡，這樣法治才可以全面開展。四中全會之後接著舉行中紀委全會上，公開報道並未提及周永康案，未來發展值得留意。

以黨治法現象的出現，客觀上與中共仍未解決「黨大抑或法大」的老問題有著千絲萬縷關係。這也是一個延續近30年仍未解決的司法發展死結，「黨大抑或法大」的質疑首先出現於1985年，時任人大委員長彭真被香港傳媒問到這個問題時，坦率表示「我也不清楚」。當時中共剛經歷文革，百廢待興，改革開放才起步，若那時未能就此釐清情有可原；惟是已近30年後的今天，四中全會的新聞公報仍未有就此說明清楚，而仍是強調「黨的領導」，「著力建設一支忠於黨、忠於國家、忠於人民、忠於法律的社會主義法治工作隊伍」，黨的排名高於其他，恐怕這一討論此刻不可能有清晰結果。

法治教育長年匱乏 地方官員干預司法

內地的法治多年來一直予人詬病「有法不依」，個別地方上的情況更是惡劣，這與法治教育不彰有關，但長久以來的官僚架構更是促成情況惡化的主要成因之一。黨政官員兼任政法工作，造成干預司法情況普遍，如此之下，不要說監察司法，連司法系統不受干擾也難以做到。今次四中全會受到注目，便是人們對「依法治國」能夠徹底落實，並且做到真正司法系統獨立的期許。習近平上台以來，在打貪方面展現強勢，貪官手到拿來，但如今「依法治國」所面對的是幾十年來的黨大於法的迷思，能否有所成，是國人目光所在。

Is Party above law?

THE CURTAIN has been brought down on the 4th plenum of the Communist Party of China. It drew attention as long as it lasted because "running the country in accordance with the law" was high on its agenda. The communique of it says it was decided at the plenum that the Party should accomplish six tasks: to enforce the constitution more vigorously, to speed up building a law-abiding government, to increase judicial credibility, to raise the people's awareness of the rule of law, to make efforts to put together a force of law officers and to ensure "the leadership of the Party". The sixth task has drawn more attention than any of the other five. However, unless the relationship between the Party and the judiciary is exactly defined, there can be no judicial independence, and it may be idle to talk about "running the country in accordance with the law", however splendidly the first five tasks may be accomplished.

The Committee of Political and Legislative Affairs of the Central Committee is a Party organ rather than a government department. Meng Jianzhu, who sits on the Politburo, is now Secretary of it. Its members include President of the Supreme People's Court Zhou Qiang and Procurator-General Cao Jianming. Though the judiciary and the procuratorate are supposed to be independent, their heads are under Meng's command.

The Party controls law officers. This actually has to do with the fact that the Party has yet to make it clear whether it is above the law or subordinate to the law. This question has long remained unanswered. In 1985, a Hong Kong journalist put it to Peng Zhen, who was then Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. He said frankly, "Even I am not sure." Nearly three decades has now elapsed, but it is not clearly answered in the communique of the 4th plenum. The communique just stresses the leadership of the Party and says it is necessary to make effort to put together a force of socialist law officers that are loyal to the Party, the country, the people and the law. As the Party comes before any other, nothing clear is likely to come out of any discussion at this moment.

The mainland authorities are supposed to uphold the rule of law, but they have over the years been criticised for not abiding by the law. Things in certain localities are particularly bad. This has to do with the fact that little has been done to educate the people about the rule of law. However, a main reason why things have rapidly worsened is that the bureaucracy has remained as it was a long time ago. Party and government officials control organs of the law. That is why the administration of justice has often been interfered in. This being the case, it is hard to protect the judiciary from interference, still more supervise the administration of justice. The 4th plenum drew much attention because people hoped the country would actually be run in accordance with the law and the judiciary would become truly independent. Since he took office, Xi Jinping has seemed vigorous in cracking down on corruption. Corrupt officials have been caught. However, though the Party keeps talking about "running the country in accordance with the law", it is faced with a myth that has been in existence for decades - that it is above the law. Let Chinese people watch if it will succeed.

黨大法大未有定論 依法治國易成空談

中共十八屆四中全會閉幕，這次會議由始至終受到注目的原因，是會議重點是「依法治國」，綜合會議公報內容，這次全會就依法治國提出了六大任務︰加強憲法實施、加快建設法治政府、提高司法公信力、增強全民法治觀念、加強法治隊伍建設，以及最受注目的中共「黨的領導」。若仍未釐清中共與司法機關的關係，即未能做到司法獨立，前五大任務做得如何出色，依法治國仍然可能是空談。

中央政法委不屬於國家行政部門，是中共黨內一個機關，現任書記是中央政治局委員孟建柱，委員包括最高人民法院院長周強，以及最高人民檢察院檢察長曹健明，兩個本應獨立的法檢系統負責人，都在政法委書記麾下，這種以黨代政的做法，最好在依法治國方針之下清除淨盡，這樣法治才可以全面開展。

以黨治法現象的出現，客觀上與中共仍未解決「黨大抑或法大」的老問題有著千絲萬縷關係。1985年，時任人大委員長彭真被香港傳媒問到這個問題時，坦率表示「我也不清楚」。已近30年後的今天，四中全會的新聞公報仍未有就此說明清楚，而仍是強調「黨的領導」，「著力建設一支忠於黨、忠於國家、忠於人民、忠於法律的社會主義法治工作隊伍」，黨的排名高於其他，恐怕這一討論此刻不可能有清晰結果。

內地的法治多年來一直予人詬病「有法不依」，個別地方上的情況更是惡劣，這與法治教育不彰有關，但長久以來的官僚架構更是促成情況惡化的主要成因之一。黨政官員兼任政法工作，造成干預司法情況普遍，如此之下，不要說監察司法，連司法系統不受干擾也難以做到。今次四中全會受到注目，便是人們對「依法治國」能夠徹底落實，並且做到真正司法系統獨立的期許。習近平上台以來，在打貪方面展現強勢，貪官手到拿來，但如今「依法治國」所面對的是幾十年來的黨大於法的迷思，能否有所成，是國人目光所在。