<轉載自2014年12月9日 明報 社評>
盛傳良久的大老虎、前任中共中央政治局常委周永康，中紀委決定給予開除黨籍處分，對其涉嫌犯罪問題及線索移送司法機關依法處理，這是兩年前中共總書記習近平掌權之後推動肅貪反腐倡廉政以來，具有里程碑意義的重大案件。十八大以來，習近平展示反貪腐的決心和力度，在查辦周永康一案顯露無遺，對貪官污吏起到震懾作用，完全值得肯定。不過，即使把周永康關進囚籠，於整體反腐格局，仍然只是反映一點，儘管這一點非常的耀目。反貪腐必須制度化，做到標本兼治，才可以呈現反貪腐的面，成為中國官場的基因，確保反貪腐得以永續下去。
大老虎周永康落馬 肅貪反腐耀目一擊
習近平掌權之後，立即雷厲風行，推動一場高強度的反貪腐運動，聲言不僅打蒼蠅，還要打老虎。當時，許多人都抱持「走著瞧」心態，因為人們以傳統思維體待之故，認為中國官場的新官上任三把火，讓他燒一下，走過場之後，還不是回復原狀？不過，在周永康的親信網絡先後出事，包括「石油幫」如國資委主任蔣潔敏、「四川幫」如四川省委副書記李春城、「政法系」如公安部副部長李東生相繼落馬，然後中紀委逐步收網，扣查周永康的親屬和前任秘書等人，人們才領悟習近平並非鬧著玩，而是動真格，就看大老虎何時現身而已。今次行動說明習近平領導的中共中央，是要促使內地官場來一場翻天覆地的改變。
周永康官至政治局常委，在石油、地方、政法三大系統的人脈關係、利益關係盤根錯節，特別是按中共建政以來，有所謂「刑不上常委」的潛規則，有周永康這個大靠山坐鎮中南海，他的黨羽也可以有恃無恐。這種共生關係，一直被認為牢固；過去，有人認為內地官場腐敗情況並非個體行為，而是大批官員編織成龐大的貪腐網絡，肅貪反腐會觸動共生利益，觸發反彈或會動搖政權，對當權者是極大挑戰。
事實上，以周永康的人脈，習近平雖然貴為總書記、國家主席、中央軍委主席，黨政軍大權一把抓，但是要辦周永康，按中國的傳統政治倫理，習仍然要披荊斬棘，特別是爭取到個別資深元老的首肯。習近平扳倒周永康，不僅打破了刑不上大夫的潛規則，實際上也顯示他已牢牢掌握權力，可以駕馭大局。習近平得以迅速全面掌握權力，與前任總書記胡錦濤兩年前裸退有關；胡不仿效江澤民延任兩年軍委主席，因為掌握軍權在中共體制極其重要，習近平從一開始就擁有全部權力，對他推動變革，特別是整頓軍隊歪風，更有決定性作用。
以往，解放軍從中央到地方，無人敢捋逆鱗。但是，習近平治下兩年，解放軍總後勤部原副部長谷俊山、原中央軍委副主席徐才厚先後落馬，熟悉內地官場和軍隊的人都認為習近平敢於清理谷、徐，膽識與能耐都非同小可；若習未掌軍權，相信不會那麼容易就搞定軍中兩頭大老虎。
谷俊山和徐才厚案件，在中國崛起的征途上，還有現實意義。習近平對於軍隊建設，要求呼之即來、來之能戰、戰之必勝，但是坊間傳出谷、徐二人的貪腐情況，斂財之多，使人震驚！然而，這是個別事件嗎？這樣的人領導的解放軍，能戰嗎？若再遇上120年前甲午戰爭的對手，中國會否因為貪污腐敗而重蹈戰敗屈辱呢？許多國人有類似憂疑，相信這也是當局要強力整飭軍隊的動力。習近平多次把貪腐與黨國命運相提並論，表示不肅貪反腐就會亡黨亡國，有理由相信當局已完全知道問題的嚴重程度，必須大力匡正過來。
周永康、徐才厚、谷俊山先後落馬，體現了中央政府和最高決策層依法反貪腐的決心：不管是誰、不管牽涉到誰，只要濫用職權、腐敗墮落，就會成為反貪腐目標，沒有任何人可以例外。兩年來，先後有50多名部長級以上官員受查，還有更多中下級官員因為貪腐受查、丟官、判刑；這些行動涉及層次之高、幅度之廣，對於中共官場是建政以來最大的震盪。以震盪療法整治貪腐，可以起到一時療效，例如內地官場奢靡之風大為收斂，在當局帶動下，整體社會氛圍也回歸樸實。不過，經此震盪後，肅貪反腐能否持續有效，才是問題所在。
反貪腐不至人去政息 習近平已可史冊留名
習近平領導的肅貪反腐，觀乎推動形態，似乎不脫搞運動色彩。但是，歷來內地搞運動，起初風風火火，過後故態復萌，可謂司空見慣。另外，今次整治周永康與其派系親信，外間流傳多種解讀。不過，無論如何對付貪官污吏，把他們關進囚籠，以警惕後來者，完全值得支持和肯定。只是若按個人意志推動，會否治標不治本、能否持之以恆，則是國人關心的問題。
中共十八屆四中全會通過《中共中央關於全面推進依法治國若干重大問題的決定》，提出建設法治中國，必須堅持依法治國、依法執政，堅持法治國家、法治政府、法治社會一體建設。這是中共提出走向國家管治的新階段。強調法治，實際上就是淡化人治；法律是肅貪反腐的重要依據，只有做到法制化，依靠制度，則肅貪反腐就會常規和常態化，即使習近平日後任滿離開崗位，只需制度建設有效，人去政息的擔憂就可以少一點。習近平只要能把肅貪反腐制度化，並使之行之有效，可持續有機存在，單此一項政績，已經足以使他留名史冊。
Anti-corruption
measures must be institutionalised
ZHOU YONGKANG, a former Standing Committee member of the Politburo of the
Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), has been expelled from
the party by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and his case has
been handed over to judicial authorities. This marks an important milestone in
CPC General Secretary Xi Jinping's crackdown on corruption since his assumption
of power two years ago.
Xi stepped up an anti-corruption campaign of
great severity as soon as he took office. At first, many just took a "wait
and see" attitude, believing that a new broom would sweep clean, but it
would wear out and then things would be as they were. However, the public
gradually came to see Xi's grim determination to stamp out corruption when, one
after another, Zhou's right-hand men came to grief, including Jiang Jiemin,
Director of the Assets Supervision and Administration Commission, Li Chuncheng,
Vice CPC Secretary of Sichuan, and Li Dongsheng, Vice Minister of
Public Security, respectively prominent figures in the "petroleum
gang", "Sichuan gang", and "law and politics gang".
The public then waited to see when the "big tiger" would have to face
the music. Zhou's arrest shows that the CPC Central Committee under Xi is
prepared to carry out a major shakeup in the party.
With Zhou toppled, Xi has not only broken the
unwritten rule that senior officials are off limits for prosecution, but also
demonstrated his firm grasp of power. He has been able to gain all the reins of
power rapidly because of his
predecessor Hu Jintao's
complete retirement two years ago: unlike Jiang Zemin, Hu did not retain his
chairmanship of the Central Military Commission for two more years. As the
military is most important in the CPC establishment, Xi was able to assume full
power as soon as he took office. This has helped him immensely in his reform
movement, especially in his efforts to purge the army of corruption and other
abuses.
Previously, no one — from the central government to the local authorities — dared to lay a finger on the People's
Liberation Army (PLA). However, Xi has been in power for only two years, and Gu
Junshan, former Vice Minister of the PLA General Logistics Department, and Xu
Caihou, former Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, have one after
the other got into trouble. Those who understand China's bureaucratic practices
and the PLA see in the downfall of Gu and Xu great daring and resourcefulness
on Xi's part. If Xi had not been endowed with military power, he probably would
not have got these two "big tigers" in the PLA caged so easily. Over
the past two years, more than 50 officials of the ministerial rank or above
have been investigated, while an even greater number of middle and lower
ranking officials have been investigated, removed from office, and convicted.
This is the greatest shakeup the CPC has experienced since its establishment of
the People's Republic of China. However, the crux of the problem is whether or
not there will be effective anti-corruption measures after the shakeup.
The Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC
Central Committee adopted a "Decision of the CPC Central Committee on
Major Issues Concerning Comprehensively Advancing the Rule of Law", which
stresses that, to advance the rule of law in China, the principle of government
according to law must be adhered to. This stress on the rule of law in effect
means a lesser reliance on the rule of man and a greater reliance on rules and
regulations. If Xi can establish an institutional framework against corruption
that will last, and see to its effective implementation, his name will go down
in history even if he has no other achievements to speak of.
震盪療法難持續有效 反貪腐必須建設制度
習近平掌權之後，立即雷厲風行，推動一場高強度的反貪腐運動。當時，許多人都抱持「走著瞧」心態，認為新官上任三把火，讓他燒一下，走過場之後，還不是回復原狀？不過，在周永康的親信網絡先後出事，包括「石油幫」如國資委主任蔣潔敏、「四川幫」如四川省委副書記李春城、「政法系」如公安部副部長李東生相繼落馬，人們才領悟習近平並非鬧著玩，就看大老虎何時現身而已。今次行動說明習近平領導的中共中央，是要促使內地官場來一場翻天覆地的改變。
習近平扳倒周永康，不僅打破了刑不上大夫的潛規則，實際上也顯示他已牢牢掌握權力。習近平得以迅速全面掌握權力，與前任總書記胡錦濤兩年前裸退有關；胡不仿效江澤民延任兩年軍委主席，因為掌握軍權在中共體制極其重要，習近平從一開始就擁有全部權力，對他推動變革，特別是整頓軍隊歪風，更有決定性作用。
以往，解放軍從中央到地方，無人敢捋逆鱗。但是，習近平治下兩年，解放軍總後勤部原副部長谷俊山、原中央軍委副主席徐才厚先後落馬，熟悉內地官場和軍隊的人都認為習近平敢於清理谷、徐，膽識與能耐都非同小可；若習未掌軍權，相信不會那麼容易就搞定軍中兩頭大老虎。兩年來，先後有50多名部長級以上官員受查，還有更多中下級官員因為貪腐受查、丟官、判刑，對於中共官場是建政以來最大的震盪。不過，經此震盪後，肅貪反腐能否持續有效，才是問題所在。
中共十八屆四中全會通過《中共中央關於全面推進依法治國若干重大問題的決定》，提出建設法治中國，必須堅持依法治國、依法執政。強調法治，實際上就是淡化人治，依靠制度。習近平只要能把肅貪反腐制度化，並使之行之有效，可持續有機存在，單此一項政績，已經足以使他留名史冊。
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