<轉載自2017年1月16日 明報
社評>
台灣的蔡英文總統結束她中美洲四國之行,昨日返台。她此行除承諾提供5000萬美元給危地馬拉建設公路並買回16貨櫃薩爾瓦多咖啡豆,未見更多成果。反倒是她來回過境美國的一些舉動,不僅給中美關係罩上新的陰影,也令原已冰封的兩岸關係雪上加霜。在她外訪期間,解放軍航母「遼寧艦」繞行台灣島一周,非洲最大國家尼日利亞將台灣經貿代表團降格改名,趕出首都,顯示在北京的文攻(外交攻勢擴大)武嚇(武力嚇阻威懾)戰略之下,蔡英文的「踏實外交」難有出路。
成為美日對華籌碼 台灣屢成懲罰對象
蔡英文去年5‧20就職演說被北京視為「未完成的答卷」,到她雙十演講令大陸死心,被指「答卷時間已過」,兩岸外交戰重新開打。這波兩岸外交戰的新特點是,台灣經常自覺或不自覺地被美國、日本利用作牽制北京的籌碼,而北京懲罰的對象卻總是台灣。12月,美國當選總統特朗普與蔡英文破天荒地通話,日本亦決定將駐台機構由「交流協會」更名為「日台交流協會」,大陸就挖走了台灣的邦交國聖多美和普林西比,解放軍戰機也繞台飛行;今次蔡英文過境美國休斯敦,會晤共和黨參議員克魯茲(Ted Cruz),又與特朗普團隊成員、傳統基金會創辦人佛納(Edwin
Feulner)通電話,結果是,當蔡英文人還在中美洲,「遼寧艦」就繞台灣島一周,示威意味明顯;尼日利亞更宣布對台更名撤館,羞辱味更濃。
值得注意的是,尼日利亞並非台灣的邦交國,只是台灣駐該國的商務代表處名為「中華民國商務代表團」,並在2001年由尼國舊首都拉各斯(Lagos)遷到新首都阿布賈(Abuja)。這些年來,中方雖都有向尼方表達不滿施壓,但都未痛下狠手。
多年來,即使在陳水扁執政時期,北京堅持邦交國不得與台灣有官方往來,但對它們與台灣的民間經貿往來則「不持異議」。實際上,台灣除了21個邦交國以外,還在五大洲設有57個具有大使館功能的代表處,是台灣實質外交之體現。其中使用「中華民國國號」的非邦交國館處就有6個。中方過往對此只是隻眼開隻眼閉,未作認真交涉,如今尼日利亞先例一開,其他國家會否跟進,會否影響台灣駐外館處的實質運作,相較於再丟掉個別弱小的邦交國,對台灣外交的打擊更嚴重。
雖然蔡英文聲稱大陸此舉「對兩岸關係沒有助益」,又強調有能力處理有關台灣成為美日棋子的「籌碼說」,但說易行難,人們既看不到她有改善兩岸關係的舉動,也想不通她有任何能力不做「籌碼」。
扣星軍車劍指台灣 機艦繞台示威味濃
大陸對台灣外交和生存空間的壓縮是多面向的,去年11月發生至今未解決的新加坡軍方裝甲車在香港海關被扣一事,也是北京打擊台灣外交空間的一個舉措。星台之間的軍事訓練合作行之有年,北京雖一直不滿,但都未採取措施。今次藉香港海關之手,按照國際海事法行事,扣留星軍自台灣用商船運回的未報關裝甲車,新加坡多番交涉均不得要領,甚至出動李顯龍致函特首梁振英,都無濟於事。對於此事,開始時各方多解讀為北京表達對新加坡南海立場的不滿,但現在看來,要逼星洲中斷與台灣軍事合作才是中方的真正目的,外交部發言人陸慷日前在記者會上就不諱言,「希望包括新加坡在內的各國切實遵守一中原則」。
事實上,新加坡軍隊自1990年已開闢澳洲訓練場,星澳去年簽約,新加坡未來斥資在澳洲興建較星洲國土面積大9倍的軍訓區。由此可見,新加坡與台灣的軍事合作計劃,並非無可替代。可以說,對新加坡的警告,與尼日利亞的嚴厲舉措屬異曲同工,都是針對台灣的實質外交。
在擴大外交攻勢的同時,大陸對台的軍事壓力也與日俱增,從去年11月起,解放軍戰機多批次繞台飛行,上周航空母艦「遼寧艦」更從東海出西太平洋,沿台灣東海岸進入南海,再從南海進入台灣海峽,完成首度繞台巡航。雖然在海峽內「遼寧艦」一直未越中線,艦載戰機亦未起飛,但航速很慢,頗有警示意味。
兩岸關係發展至此,對抗之勢已成。特朗普上台後,美日在台灣問題上玩火的可能性雖增,但台海出現熱戰的可能性仍低。由於綜合國力的提升,北京在處理兩岸議題時可以保持相當的戰略自信和定力,做到沉着應對,見機行事。蔡英文上台後,兩岸官方溝通雖告凍結,但大陸仍保持民生如春節包機等事務照常運作,亦未中止經貿往來,惟未來會否升級打出「經濟牌」,有待觀察。
Tsai's "down-to-earth" diplomacy
YESTERDAY Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen wrapped up
her visit to four Central American countries and returned to Taipei. In that
trip she agreed to provide Guatemala US$50 million for building highways and
bought sixteen containers of Salvadorean coffee beans but achieved little else.
Nevertheless, some of the things she did in the US when she was in transit
there newly clouded Sino-US relations and frosted cross-strait relations, which
had frozen.
What the mainland does to squeeze Taiwan's
diplomacy and Lebensraum is multidimensional. Last November, a number of
armoured vehicles belonging to the Singaporean military were seized by the Hong
Kong customs. The affair has not yet settled. It resulted from a move Beijing
had taken to block Taiwan's diplomacy. Singapore began to work together with
Taiwan in military training many years ago. Beijing has been unhappy about it,
but it had done nothing until it had those armoured vehicles (carried in a
merchant ship and undeclared) seized by the Hong Kong customs under
international maritime law. Singapore has taken up the matter with Hong Kong
many times but to no avail. Even a letter Lee Hsien-loong wrote Chief Executive
C Y Leung has not helped matters. Initially, many read the move as one by means
of which Beijing expressed its displeasure at the stance Singapore had taken on
South China Sea disputes. It now seems clear that Beijing's real aim is to
compel Singapore to end its military cooperation with Taiwan. The other day
Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Lu Kang minced no words, saying, "We hope
countries in the world including Singapore will earnestly adhere to the
one-China principle."
In fact, the Singaporean military began in 1990
opening up a training zone in Australia. Last year, the two countries signed an
agreement under which Singapore will spend money to set up a military training
zone ten times the size of Singapore's territory. It is thus clear that the
plan of military cooperation between Singapore and Taiwan is not irreplaceable.
One may say the warning Beijing has given Singapore and Nigeria's tough measure
are different songs sung for the same purpose. They are real diplomatic moves
targeted at Taiwan.
The mainland has stepped up its diplomatic
offensive against Taiwan and, at the same time, kept increasing its military
pressure on it. Since last November, fighters of the People's Liberation Army
have for many times circled the island in droves. Last week Liaoning, a
mainland aircraft carrier, went from the East China Sea into west Pacific
waters and sailed along the eastern coast of Taiwan into the South China Sea,
whence it went into the Taiwan Strait. It then ended its first cruise round
Taiwan. Liaoning never crossed the mid-line in the Taiwan Strait, and no
aircraft on it went up. Nevertheless, its cruise was so slow as to smell
strongly of a show of force.
Cross-strait relations having become what they are
now, the mainland and Taiwan are no doubt in confrontation. The US and Japan
will be likelier to play with fire about the Taiwan question when Donald Trump
is in office. However, a hot war in the Taiwan Strait will still be unlikely.
As the mainland has now greater overall national strength, Beijing can remain
so steadfast as well as so strategically self-confident in dealing with
cross-strait issues that it can cope calmly and act according to circumstances.
Though official cross-strait communication froze after Tsai had taken office,
the mainland has kept things affecting people's lives like Lunar New Year
chartered flights in operation as usual, and neither trade nor economic
dealings have stopped between the two sides. However, it remains to be seen
whether the mainland will escalate what it targets at Taiwan and play the
"economy card".
大陸文攻武嚇 蔡英文外交難踏實
台灣的蔡英文總統結束她中美洲四國之行,昨日(15日)返台。她此行除承諾提供5000萬美元給危地馬拉建設公路並買回16貨櫃薩爾瓦多咖啡豆,未見更多成果。反倒是她來回過境美國的一些舉動,不僅給中美關係罩上新的陰影,也令原已冰封的兩岸關係雪上加霜。
大陸對台灣外交和生存空間的壓縮是多面向的,去年11月發生至今未解決的新加坡軍方裝甲車在香港海關被扣一事,也是北京打擊台灣外交空間的一個舉措。星台之間的軍事訓練合作行之有年,北京雖一直不滿,但都未採取措施。今次藉香港海關之手,按照國際海事法行事,扣留星軍自台灣用商船運回的未報關裝甲車,新加坡多番交涉均不得要領,甚至出動李顯龍致函特首梁振英,都無濟於事。對於此事,開始時各方多解讀為北京表達對新加坡南海立場的不滿,但現在看來,要逼星洲中斷與台灣軍事合作才是中方的真正目的,外交部發言人陸慷日前在記者會上就不諱言,「希望包括新加坡在內的各國切實遵守一中原則」。
事實上,新加坡軍隊自1990年已開闢澳洲訓練場,星澳去年簽約,新加坡未來斥資在澳洲興建較星洲國土面積大9倍的軍訓區。由此可見,新加坡與台灣的軍事合作計劃,並非無可替代。可以說,對新加坡的警告,與尼日利亞的嚴厲舉措屬異曲同工,都是針對台灣的實質外交。
在擴大外交攻勢的同時,大陸對台的軍事壓力也與日俱增,從去年11月起,解放軍戰機多批次繞台飛行,上周航空母艦「遼寧艦」更從東海出西太平洋,沿台灣東海岸進入南海,再從南海進入台灣海峽,完成首度繞台巡航。雖然在海峽內「遼寧艦」一直未越中線,艦載戰機亦未起飛,但航速很慢,頗有警示意味。
兩岸關係發展至此,對抗之勢已成。特朗普上台後,美日在台灣問題上玩火的可能性雖增,但台海出現熱戰的可能性仍低。由於綜合國力的提升,北京在處理兩岸議題時可以保持相當的戰略自信和定力,做到沉着應對,見機行事。蔡英文上台後,兩岸官方溝通雖告凍結,但大陸仍保持民生如春節包機等事務照常運作,亦未中止經貿往來,惟未來會否升級打出「經濟牌」,有待觀察。
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