卅年中斷愛國民主路 六四平反復興民族魂

<轉載自2019年6月4日 明報 社評>

今天是六四事件30周年，當年一場愛國民主運動被定性為「動亂」，慘遭當局血腥鎮壓，死難者家屬傷痛至今未平，歷史沉冤仍然有待昭雪。1989年是世界歷史關鍵一年，六四鎮壓與東歐變天，標誌中國和東歐共產陣營國家走上兩條截然不同道路。三十年河東，三十年河西，「中國模式」崛起，西方民主政治反而陷入危機，然而不管世道如何變化，暴烈手段鎮壓人民永遠不可能是對的。實現民族復興，不能迴避歷史。平反六四是要維護基本人道價值，還歷史一個公道，不會因為時間推移而消亡。

暴力鎮壓不能接受 改革成就勿混一談

六四鎮壓為中國留下難以磨滅的烙印，即使官方用盡手段淡化，可是每逢六四周年，這道歷史傷疤還是一次又一次浮現人前。在北京，總有些人知道為何每年到了這幾天，木樨地車站部分出入口會封閉；由死難者親屬組成的「天安門母親」，即使遭到監控、滅聲或「被旅遊」，依舊堅持以各種形式悼念。事隔30年，不少六四死難者家屬憶起至親遇害，仍然難忍悲痛，聲淚俱下，叫人情何以堪。他們多年來堅持要求當局公布真相、道歉及賠償，可惜沉冤昭雪之日，似乎仍遙遙無期。

1989年是世界歷史重要分水嶺。在東歐，共產政權接連倒台，然而中國卻走上迥異之路。曾幾何時，西方學者相信，自由主義民主已取得終極勝利，「歷史已經終結」。30年匆匆過去，歷史發展不似預期。在西方，民主政治陷困，右翼民粹主義抬頭，不斷衝擊自由主義核心價值，作為東歐後共產時代「優等生」的波蘭和匈牙利，不約而同朝「不自由主義民主」（illiberal democracy）方向倒退，反觀中國則搭上了現代化快車。

內地的「道路自信」和「制度自信」愈來愈強，官方亦愈益將六四事件，僅僅視作改革開放一個轉折跌宕。最近國防部長魏鳳和表示，過去30年中國出現翻天覆地變化，平息八九年「動亂」是「正確決定」，反問為何仍有人認為中國處理六四不對，反映的正是這種心態，然而評價歷史永遠不能只看「結果」而忽略「過程」，以暴烈手段鎮壓人民永遠不會是對的。

六四事件的歷史意義，需要客觀評價。1978年中國改革開放，進入思想百花齊放時期，六四鎮壓標誌這一階段終結。北京當局認為在現代化道路上，必須清除「精神污染」，排拒西方自由主義政治模式，提防和平演變，「穩定壓倒一切」、「發展是硬道理」成為主軸，逐漸形成現今的「中國模式」。北京設法嘗試自我完善政治制度，例如發展基層民主、提拔國家中高層領導人更加重視實績考核，嚴厲肅貪提升管治，然而理想與現實顯然仍有很大距離。內地官場貪腐普遍，當局限制言論自由，法治遠未健全，不僅有損公民權利，亦不利吏治監督。

中國模式要民主自由 民族復興須平反六四

誠然，民主與廉政並無必然關係，在發展中國家尤其如此，「透明國際」腐敗印象指數顯示，去年中國僅居87位，可是奉行民主的印尼、巴西和菲律賓，排名比中國還糟。然而無可否認，作為觸發八九民運的重要因素，貪腐亂象至今仍困擾中國。公職人員財政申報制度，在內地談了20多年，至今仍未落實；維權律師屢遭打壓，體制外反腐動力不足，單靠體制內的長官意志，是否足以令中國政治邁向清明，仍是一個疑問。

八九民運是一場愛國民主運動，不應遭到暴烈鎮壓。六四後中國堅持改革開放，只是順應歷史潮流和民心所趨，絕非血腥鎮壓的「成果」。當權者過度自信，容易變得自負，數十年來香港扮演的一個重要角色，就是充當老實人，指出內地在政治、法治、民主等方面的缺失，由八九民運到今時今日，這一角色從來沒有改變。香港六四燭光集會的最大意義，就是提醒世人毋忘歷史慘案，北京當局愈想淡化歷史，港人愈要堅持平反。

六四鎮壓是橫亙很多人心中的巨刺，外間原本期望，國家領導層世代交替，平反六四之日不遠，可是30年過去，這個日子還未降臨。不管這是由於法統傳承問題，還是「穩定壓倒一切」、「發展是硬道理」迄今仍是核心指導思想，現實是當局拒絕直面歷史，還設法抹去人民對這段歷史的記憶。當局這種做法，其實是自欺欺人。在齊太史簡，在晉董狐筆，歷史面前沒有人能隱瞞過失過錯，「中國模式」一樣要講人權、民主、自由。北京強調要復興民族、構建「人類命運共同體」，在國際舞台爭取道德高地，然而六四一日不平反，「中國模式」就算再成功，北京也很難在國際社會做到眾望所歸。

Rehabilitation of June Fourth is crucial to national rejuvenation

THIS YEAR marks the 30th anniversary of the June Fourth Incident, when a patriotic, democratic movement labelled a "riot" was bloodily suppressed by the government. For those who lost their loved ones in the crackdown, the wounds have yet to heal, and the injustice has yet to be redressed. To rehabilitate the June Fourth Incident is to uphold the fundamental values of humanity. Doing justice to what happened in history is a cause unlikely to be consigned to oblivion by the passing of time.

The June Fourth crackdown left an indelible mark on China. Try as the mainland government might to play down the incident, the historical scar emerges into public view year after year on the anniversary of the incident. In Beijing, there will always be people who know that some of the exits of Muxidi Station will be closed around this time of year. "The Tiananmen Mothers", a union of the families of the victims, insist on commemorating the incident in different ways even though they are under surveillance, gagged or "forced to go on holiday". Thirty years on, many families of the victims still find it hard to choke back their grief when thinking about the murder of their loved ones. Tears mingle with howls of anguish in a way that overwhelms us. For years they have insisted that the government should make public the truth, issue an apology and pay compensation. But the date of the rectification of the injustice seems to remain distant.

The year 1989 was an important watershed in world history. While communist regimes in Eastern Europe crumbled one after another, China embarked on a fundamentally different path. There was a time when academics in the West believed that liberal democracy had scored the ultimate triumph and "history had ended". Thirty years passed in the blink of an eye, and things have not developed in the expected way. The mainland is increasingly confident in its path and system, and more and more the authorities are viewing the June Fourth Incident merely as a setback in the Reform and Opening Up. This attitude was in full display when Wei Fenghe, the Chinese Defence Minister, recently said that China had undergone earth‑shattering changes over the past thirty years, and the suppression of the 1989 "riots" was "the right decision". He asked why some people thought that China was wrong in the way it handled the incident. However, it is never appropriate to comment on history by looking solely at the outcome but not the process. It is always wrong to suppress the people through violent means.

Outsiders thought that as the reins of power were handed over from one generation of Chinese leaders to another, it would not be long before the June Fourth Incident was vindicated. But thirty years have passed, and this day has yet to come. It might be so because this has to do with the legitimacy to rule or because the notions that "stability must trump everything" and "development is the absolute principle" remain the core, guiding beliefs. But the reality is that the government has refused to face this part of history squarely and has been trying to wipe it from people's minds. By doing so the government is deluding others and itself. During the Spring and Autumn period in China, many historians from the state of Qi gave their lives recording the assassination of the monarch; Jin historian Dong Hu recorded another assassination with the same integrity. No one can hide their wrongs from history. The "China model" needs to address human rights, democracy and freedom as well. The Beijing authorities stress the importance of national rejuvenation, the creation of "a community of shared future for mankind", and the need to claim the moral high ground in the international arena. However, until the June Fourth Incident is rehabilitated, it will be difficult for Beijing to win universal approval in the international community no matter how successful the "China model" becomes.

卅年中斷愛國民主路 六四平反復興民族魂

今天是六四事件30周年，當年一場愛國民主運動被定性為「動亂」，慘遭當局血腥鎮壓，死難者家屬傷痛至今未平，歷史沉冤仍然有待昭雪。平反六四是要維護基本人道價值，還歷史一個公道，不會因為時間推移而消亡。

六四鎮壓為中國留下難以磨滅的烙印，即使官方用盡手段淡化，可是每逢六四周年，這道歷史傷疤還是一次又一次浮現人前。在北京，總有些人知道為何每年到了這幾天，木樨地車站部分出入口會封閉；由死難者親屬組成的「天安門母親」，即使遭到監控、滅聲或「被旅遊」，依舊堅持以各種形式悼念。事隔30年，不少六四死難者家屬憶起至親遇害，仍然難忍悲痛，聲淚俱下，叫人情何以堪。他們多年來堅持要求當局公布真相、道歉及賠償，可惜沉冤昭雪之日，似乎仍遙遙無期。

1989年是世界歷史重要分水嶺。在東歐，共產政權接連倒台，然而中國卻走上迥異之路。曾幾何時，西方學者相信，自由主義民主已取得終極勝利，「歷史已經終結」。30年匆匆過去，歷史發展不似預期。內地的「道路自信」和「制度自信」愈來愈強，官方亦愈益將六四事件，僅僅視作改革開放一個轉折跌宕。最近國防部長魏鳳和表示，過去30年中國出現翻天覆地變化，平息八九年「動亂」是「正確決定」，反問為何仍有人認為中國處理六四不對，反映的正是這種心態，然而評價歷史永遠不能只看「結果」而忽略「過程」，以暴烈手段鎮壓人民永遠不會是對的。

外間原本期望，國家領導層世代交替，平反六四之日不遠，可是30年過去，這個日子還未降臨。不管這是由於法統傳承問題，還是「穩定壓倒一切」、「發展是硬道理」迄今仍是核心指導思想，現實是當局拒絕直面歷史，還設法抹去人民對這段歷史的記憶。當局這種做法，其實是自欺欺人。在齊太史簡，在晉董狐筆，歷史面前沒有人能隱瞞過失過錯，「中國模式」一樣要講人權、民主、自由。北京強調要復興民族、構建「人類命運共同體」，在國際舞台爭取道德高地，然而六四一日不平反，「中國模式」就算再成功，北京也很難在國際社會做到眾望所歸。