<轉載自2020年2月14日 明報 社評>
在全國疫情仍然嚴峻、中央政府在集中精力抗疫的時刻，「突然」宣布港澳辦主任易帥，令人詫異，但細看整體安排，不但是主任的人選調動，而是整個架構的調整，這就顯然是經過深思熟慮的決定。相信經過調整，今後港澳辦與中聯辦的職權和關係將會得到理順，中央的對港政策也將會更加協調，然而，如何在掌握香港民情民意方面有所改善，並且在兼顧兩制方面多從香港的視角看待和處理香港事務，才能使一國兩制行穩致遠。
張曉明出任港澳辦主任不足3年，被降職副主任，顯然是跟香港出現長達7個月的亂局有關，降職是要對此事問責。這是繼上月初被免職的中聯辦主任王志民之後，第二名被問責的官員。雖然兩人被問責，王志民被調黨史與文獻研究院副院長閒職，張曉明降職副主任，但在任免公布中，仍然強調是維持正部級，張曉明留任港澳辦分管日常工作，究竟是要說明兩名主理港澳事務的官員只是能力不足問題而非觸犯「路線錯誤」，還是中央藉機改組港澳事務機構，信息並不明確。
新任港澳辦主任夏寶龍和新任中聯辦主任駱惠寧，分別已屆67和65歲，都已超過退休年齡。夏寶龍從浙江省委書記退下，被委以全國政協副主席兼秘書長重任，屬於國家領導人級別，現在又以全國政協副主席兼任港澳辦主任，港澳辦地位因而被提升。
夏寶龍兼任港澳辦主任，為中央港澳工作增添重量級人物，中央港澳協調小組組長韓正，本身是國務院唯一進入中共政治局常委的副總理，分管發改委和財政的重任，還兼任起碼10個跨地域和跨行業的協調小組組長，能夠分配多少時間與精力在港澳事務，十分有限。而今增添一名國家領導人級別的官員，充實港澳工作幹部隊伍，可被視為是中央對港澳工作的重視。而夏寶龍在浙江任職期間，跟當時任該省一把手的習近平有4年時間的重疊，而且在該時段晉升為省委副書記，應該是獲得習近平的賞識，而且對習近平的治理方針十分了解。
港澳辦與中聯辦隸屬關係明確
港澳辦和中聯辦均是中央的正部級機關，職權和職責有重疊而且難以清晰界定，過去政出多門的事情時有所聞，而今駱惠寧出任中聯辦主任，明顯是「高配」，跟資歷相對較淺的張曉明合作，難免再次出現不能水乳交融的局面。
夏寶龍被任命為港澳辦主任的同時，還宣布香港中聯辦主任駱惠寧和澳門中聯辦主任傅自應兼任港澳辦副主任，中聯辦隸屬港澳辦的從屬關係明確。這是對中央港澳事務機構的重大調整，今後理論上決策出自一個部門，分層次去執行，職務範圍重疊的問題也會在決策的協調過程中得到明晰，過去某些範疇兩個部門都管，或者兩個部門都不管，更糟的是出了問題兩個部門互相推諉的情况，不會再發生。
中央港澳事務的管治架構問題，從中央層面重整之後，相信會出現一個新的局面，加上新人事新作風，或許還會出現一番新景象。然而，一國兩制的問題，兩制的問題不能忽視，處理香港事務的官員權力來源來自中央，加上他們的閱歷和經歷，制定政策的角度當然會從「一國」出發，雖然他們被要求以及都自許聆聽港人心聲，但是否能夠多從香港「一制」的視角考慮問題，同樣是一個結構性問題。
幹部隊伍要兼顧一國與兩制
中央對香港的方針，首先是考慮整個國家的發展大局，是因應國際形勢變化以及國家的實力與發展方向出發，所制定的政策與措施，應該是對國家以及對香港都有利的，但政策與措施的成效，最終是取決於是否得到香港市民的支持。遠在北京的官員，有不了解港人想法的「先天缺陷」，又或坐在香港辦公室的官員，有不願了解港人想法的「後天失誤」，所制定出來的政策與措施，很多時會流於香港市民不理解而不支持，甚至是反對與破壞，再好的政策也無法實施。中央的政策要獲得港人支持，當中有技術性問題，如何推廣、怎樣執行，多借用公關的技巧就可以，但歸根結柢是要從港人的角度出發，讓他們有「獲得感」，才會使他們心悅誠服。
中央改革管治香港架構，是從制度上解決問題。而委任重量級的官員，充實管治香港的幹部隊伍，是重視香港的表現。夏寶龍和駱惠寧都有封疆大吏的經歷，而且在管治一個大省都有政績，他們的執行力，毋庸置疑，但香港是實施一國兩制的落腳點，他們是否能夠既以「一國」為依歸，又考慮到「兩制」的特點，對他們來說，是一個考驗。况且，他們兩人的年齡限制，肯定是一個過渡安排，關鍵還是要改變整體涉港幹部的思維，要求他們兼顧一國和兩制的角度，才能落實好一國兩制，使這個最有利於長遠解決人心回歸的制度行穩致遠。
Change of HKMAO leadership
AT A TIME when the situation remains tough nationwide concerning the
novel coronavirus outbreak and the central government is focusing its effort on
the fight against the disease, a change of leadership at the Hong Kong and
Macao Affairs Office (HKMAO) has suddenly been announced. On closer look, the
change, though surprising, is not simply a change of the director but an
adjustment to the entire hierarchy. Apparently it was a decision made after
careful thought.
Zhang has been demoted to the post of deputy director less than three
years after he was appointed director of the HKMAO. It is obvious that the
demotion has to do with the seven-month-long disorder in Hong Kong. Zhang has
become the second official to be held to account after Wang Zhimin, who was
relieved of his post as director of Beijing's liaison office in Hong Kong. That
said, Zhang remains in the HKMAO and will be responsible for its routine
operation. The message is not clear as to whether these two officials who were
responsible for Hong Kong and Macao affairs were simply inept and did not fall
foul of the party line, or whether the central government is taking this
opportunity to reshuffle the Hong Kong and Macao affairs set-up.
As Xia Baolong will also serve as director of the HKMAO, a heavyweight
will be added to the team responsible for Hong Kong and Macao affairs in the
central government. When Xia worked in Zhejiang, there were four years in which
his time overlapped with that of Xi Jinping, who was then the province's party
chief. Xia must have been in Xi's good graces and must understand Xi's
principles of governance very well.
It is believed that the adjustments to the hierarchy for handling Hong
Kong and Macao affairs made at the central government level will bring about a
new situation. This, together with the new personnel arrangement and governance
style, could mark the beginning of a new chapter. However, when it comes to
"One country, Two systems", the problems with "Two systems"
cannot be neglected. Officials handling Hong Kong affairs have their power
coming from the central government. Furthermore, their understanding of the
world and experience make it inevitable that they implement policies from the
viewpoint of "One country". Even though they are required or expect
themselves to listen to the views of Hong Kong people, it is a systemic issue
as to whether they can consider matters from the point of view of Hong Kong's
system.
When it comes to policies towards Hong Kong, the central government
considers before anything else the major scheme for developing the country.
These policies are formulated in accordance with global change, the country's
strength and its direction of development. The policies and measures it
implements should be beneficial to both the country and Hong Kong. However, at
the end of the day, their effectiveness is determined by whether they are
supported by Hong Kong citizens. Officials who are faraway in Beijing do not
understand Hong Kong people's views. This is an innate problem. Officials
stationed in Hong Kong are unwilling to do so. This is an acquired one. Very
often the policies and measures formulated are not understood or supported by
Hong Kong residents. They are even opposed or ruined by Hong Kong people. No
matter how good a policy is, it cannot be implemented. There are technical
issues concerning whether the central government's policies are supported by
Hong Kong people. It takes only PR skills when it comes to how to promote and
execute a policy. The crux of the matter, however, is how to think from the
perspective of Hong Kong people and make them feel that they are making gains.
Only by doing so can they be completely convinced.
港澳辦主任易帥 架構重整更協調
在全國疫情仍然嚴峻、中央政府在集中精力抗疫的時刻，「突然」宣布港澳辦主任易帥，令人詫異，但細看整體安排，不但是主任的人選調動，而是整個架構的調整，這就顯然是經過深思熟慮的決定。
張曉明出任港澳辦主任不足3年，被降職副主任，顯然是跟香港出現長達7個月的亂局有關，降職是要對此事問責。這是繼上月初被免職的中聯辦主任王志民之後，第二名被問責的官員。雖然兩人被問責，張曉明留任港澳辦分管日常工作，究竟是要說明兩名主理港澳事務的官員只是能力不足問題而非觸犯「路線錯誤」，還是中央藉機改組港澳事務機構，信息並不明確。
夏寶龍兼任港澳辦主任，為中央港澳工作增添重量級人物，夏寶龍在浙江任職期間，跟當時任該省一把手的習近平有4年時間的重疊，應該是獲得習近平的賞識，而且對習近平的治理方針十分了解。
中央港澳事務的管治架構問題，從中央層面重整之後，相信會出現一個新的局面，加上新人事新作風，或許還會出現一番新景象。然而，一國兩制的問題，兩制的問題不能忽視，處理香港事務的官員權力源自中央，加上他們的閱歷和經歷，制定政策的角度當然會從「一國」出發，雖然他們被要求以及都自許聆聽港人心聲，但是否能夠多從香港「一制」的視角考慮問題，同樣是一個結構性問題。
沒有留言:
張貼留言