六四死結終須解開 應順勢而為創新局

<轉載自2013年6月4日 明報 社評>

 

今年是1989年六四事件24周年，海內外有關為「六四」平反、解開這個中國政治死結的呼聲重新高漲。這反映海內外對中國新一代領導人開拓新局面的期待，也反映人們對當局最近在意識形態方面一些倒行逆施的政策的憂心。

 

非逢五非逢十 受關注有原因

按照中國傳統文化，重要的紀念活動多是「逢五逢十」才會隆而重之，但今年「六四」並非「逢五逢十」，受到關注卻大大增加，平反呼聲陡然高漲；港大民意研究計劃的最新民調顯示，有63%的港人支持平反六四，創下1997年回歸後的新高，而認為內地人權現狀比1989年改善的受訪者比例，也見1997年以來的最低點。

在「六四」24周年紀念活動中，出現這種特殊的「高潮」，背後是有特殊的原因。其一，因為這是中共新一代領導人習近平、李克強上台後的第一個「六四」，而海內外普遍期待習李這一代領導人，因與「六四」較少轇轕，沒有歷史包袱，應該會對這一歷史事件作出合情合理的重新評價；其二，因為中共十八大結束後的近半年多來，形勢的發展漸漸令人失望，從大學校園內對「普世價值」等噤聲的「七不講」，到官方喉舌對「憲政」的口誅筆伐，都令人不寒而慄，「天安門母親」在今年「六四」的公開信中也表示﹕「希望」已漸漸消失，「絕望」正漸漸逼近。

正是希望愈大、失望愈大，現在看來，中共高層迄今仍未做好重新評價「六四」事件的準備。但「六四」對執政者也好、對全體國民也好，顯然並未被遺忘，這就是為什麼香港維園的燭光每年都舉世矚目的原因，也是北京每到「六四」都如履薄冰、如臨大敵的真正原因。

其實，24年來，中共官方對六四事件的官方定義也不是一成不變，最早是定性為「反革命暴亂」，後來含糊地稱為「政治風波」；現在，官方強調的重點是中國自1989年以來的進步，強調如果沒有穩定，今天的發展就不可能出現。

不可否認，1989年之後，由於1992年鄧小平的南巡講話，內地繼續堅持了1989年之前的經濟改革和開放路線，經濟發展取得了長足進步，今天已經位居世界第二大經濟體，對國際政治經濟的影響力不可同日而語。但正是如此，更顯示出中國民主政治發展的滯後和政經畸形發展所帶來的負面影響。

回顧24年前的六四事件，當愛國反貪腐的學生和市民走上街頭，呼喚民主政治、新聞自由時，針對的是政府官員權力尋租的「官倒」特權。人民寄望中共自身的政治體制改革，為國家找到一條正確道路。「六四」的槍聲，鎮壓了民主的呼聲，壓制了中共內部的改革力量，同時也阻斷了中國制度反貪腐的正途，更毀掉了民間和統治集團之間自改革開放以來建立起來的互信和默契。時至今日，官場貪腐氾濫成災，運動式反貪腐事倍功半，特殊利益集團已經尾大不掉，成為深化改革開放的最大絆腳石，經濟發展雖成績亮麗，內部卻充滿貧富懸殊、結構不合理等各種問題；人民對政權的信心漸失，官民互信蕩然無存。回首24年前的景象，不禁令人唏噓，感慨萬千。

「六四」決策者已淡出 平反條件趨成熟

1989年以來，中共領導人對六四事件採取鴕鳥政策，抱着「擊鼓傳花」的心態迴避拖延，不僅是對歷史的不負責任，實際上也是在虛耗政治資源。24年後的今天，「六四」的決策者多已作古或卸任，淡出權力核心，而受害者的家人也已逐漸凋零，隨着中國經濟實力和國際地位的提升，中國的綜合實力已遠超1980年代。內地民眾的民主意識大為提升，理性探討的氣氛已開始成形，平反「六四」，無論在內部民意還是外部國際環境中，都較鄧、江、胡時代有了更好的基礎。

在時代已經來到網絡（Web）2.0的21世紀的今天，資訊封鎖百孔千瘡，思想禁錮更是治絲益棼，放眼今日內地5億網民、3億微博用戶的洶湧大潮，當權者在認識到逆歷史潮流而動只能是抽刀斷水、螳臂擋車之餘，更應體認「民氣可用」的難得契機，抓住機會，甩掉包袱，輕裝前進。

中共不是沒有糾正自己錯誤的傳統，文革後，鄧小平、胡耀邦平反了大量的冤假錯案，糾正了「大躍進」和「反右派」的錯誤，更徹底否定了毛澤東親自發動並視為重要政治遺產的「文化大革命」。若不是當時的領導層衝破保守勢力的阻撓，勇敢地否定「文革」，也不會有後來勢如破竹的改革開放大好形勢。

現在，一個有擔當的政治家，更應展現政治智慧和勇氣，用其遠見和魄力，及時啟動重新評價六四事件的進程，並最終平反「六四」，這將是大得黨心民心、凝聚社會共識、重塑中國核心價值的歷史性舉措。

Editorial

Gordian knot of June 4

TODAY is the 24th anniversary of the June 4 incident. Loud calls have again been heard on the mainland and elsewhere for Beijing to reverse its verdict on it and undo the Gordian knot of Chinese politics. This evidences not only hope that the new Chinese leadership will open up new dimensions but also concern about some perverse measures the authorities have lately taken about ideology.

 

In the June 4 incident (which took place twenty-four years ago), it was to protest against bureaucratic profiteering and rent-seeking on the part of powerful or privileged officials that patriotic students and citizens took to the streets to call for democracy and press freedom. People then hoped the Communist Party of China (CPC) would put the country on the right track by reforming its political structure on its own. The June 4 gunshots smothered calls for democracy, disabled the proper mechanism for combating corruption under China's system and destroyed the mutual trust and tacit agreement between the people and the regime that came into existence when it embarked on its reform and opening-up drive. Now official corruption is rampant, and movements to combat corruption are twice as hard but half as effective as they were. Furthermore, vested interests, now too powerful to bring under control, have become the biggest stumbling block to deepening the reform and opening-up drive. Though economic development has been spectacular, there are myriad internal problems such as the wide rich-poor gap and many structural inequities. People are losing confidence in the regime, and there is now no government-people trust to speak of. Looking back on what happened twenty-four years ago, one cannot but sigh with deep feeling.

Now, after an elapse of twenty-four years, many of the June 4 decision-makers have died or retired from the core of power. The victims' families have gradually passed away. As China's economic power has grown and its international standing has improved, its overall strength now far exceeds what it was in the 1980s. Mainlanders have now much greater awareness of democracy, and an atmosphere of reasoned exploration is coming into being. Considering the mainland people's wishes and China's external or international environment, there is a sounder basis for reversing the official verdict on June 4 now than in the Deng, Jiang or Hu era.

Now the 21st century has arrived and Web 2.0 is in existence, information blockades are porous, and attempts to fetter minds are likely to backfire. There are now on the mainland 500 million netizens and 300 million Weibo users, who are like a surging tide. Those in power should not only realise that to go against the tide of history is as futile as to wound the wind but also see that they may capitalise on the people's morale and seize the opportunity to rid themselves of the burden so that they can progress unencumbered.

It is wrong to say the CPC has no tradition of rectifying its own mistakes. When the Cultural Revolution was over, Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang had large numbers of cases redressed that involved unjust, false or wrong charges and had many mistakes corrected that were made during the Great Leap Forward and the Anti-Rightist Struggle. They even thoroughly condemned the Great Cultural Revolution, which Mao Zedong had personally launched and regarded as an important political legacy. But for the fact that those leaders broke through the conservatives' obstructions and condemned the Cultural Revolution, the reform and opening-up drive would not have proved as effective as a hot knife cutting through butter.

Now a statesman who has commitment should all the more display his political wisdom and courage and, employing his foresight and boldness, opportunely start the reassessment of June 4 and eventually have the verdict on it reversed. Such a historic move will win the CPC its members' and the people's hearts and help bring about social consensus and reshape China's core values.

明報社評 2013.06.04﹕六四死結終須解開 應順勢而為創新局

今年是1989年六四事件24周年，海內外有關為「六四」平反、解開這個中國政治死結的呼聲重新高漲。這反映海內外對中國新一代領導人開拓新局面的期待，也反映人們對當局最近在意識形態方面一些倒行逆施的政策的憂心。

回顧24年前的六四事件，當愛國反貪腐的學生和市民走上街頭，呼喚民主政治、新聞自由時，針對的是政府官員權力尋租的「官倒」特權。人民寄望中共自身的政治體制改革，為國家找到一條正確道路。「六四」的槍聲，鎮壓了民主的呼聲，壓制了中共內部的改革力量，同時也阻斷了中國制度反貪腐的正途，更毀掉了民間和統治集團之間自改革開放以來建立起來的互信和默契。時至今日，官場貪腐氾濫成災，運動式反貪腐事倍功半，特殊利益集團已經尾大不掉，成為深化改革開放的最大絆腳石，經濟發展雖成績亮麗，內部卻充滿貧富懸殊、結構不合理等各種問題；人民對政權的信心漸失，官民互信蕩然無存。回首24年前的景象，不禁令人唏噓，感慨萬千。

24年後的今天，「六四」的決策者多已作古或卸任，淡出權力核心，而受害者的家人也已逐漸凋零，隨着中國經濟實力和國際地位的提升，中國的綜合實力已遠超1980年代。內地民眾的民主意識大為提升，理性探討的氣氛已開始成形，平反「六四」，無論在內部民意還是外部國際環境中，都較鄧、江、胡時代有了更好的基礎。

在時代已經來到網絡（Web）2.0的21世紀的今天，資訊封鎖百孔千瘡，思想禁錮更是治絲益棼，放眼今日內地5億網民、3億微博用戶的洶湧大潮，當權者在認識到逆歷史潮流而動只能是抽刀斷水、螳臂擋車之餘，更應體認「民氣可用」的難得契機，抓住機會，甩掉包袱，輕裝前進。

中共不是沒有糾正自己錯誤的傳統，文革後，鄧小平、胡耀邦平反了大量的冤假錯案，糾正了「大躍進」和「反右派」的錯誤，更徹底否定了毛澤東親自發動並視為重要政治遺產的「文化大革命」。若不是當時的領導層衝破保守勢力的阻撓，勇敢地否定「文革」，也不會有後來勢如破竹的改革開放大好形勢。

現在，一個有擔當的政治家，更應展現政治智慧和勇氣，運用其遠見和魄力，及時啟動重新評價六四事件的進程，並最終平反「六四」，這將是大得黨心民心、凝聚社會共識、重塑中國核心價值的歷史性舉措。