經過回歸16年的試驗，誰也無法否認，若繼續排拒普選，特區根本無法好好管治，但普選同樣並非萬應靈丹，各方政治力量必須放下怕政黨政治的心魔，讓香港真正落實民主，行政立法關係才有機會理順，政治人才方能透過政黨的訓練培養起來，有效管治才有機會實現。在可見將來，香港也難有政黨一黨獨大，無論哪個黨派勝選，都極可能要組成聯合政府，各政黨必須加緊培訓政治人才，為即將到來的普選做好準備。
普選將於2017年到來，香港各方政治力量正醞釀大變，本報特舉辦「特首普選與有效管治」系列座談會，今日刊出的座談會主要探討如何在落實普選後達至有效管治。回歸16年以來，多種管治方式都實驗過，但不論董建華、曾蔭權還是梁振英治港，管治都陷入僵局，原因很簡單，在香港這個早已高度開放的社會，公民社會成熟，一日不落實普選，都無法解決政府欠缺認受性的問題。普選，是絕對不能逃避的。
普選後若不許政黨執政 可能重蹈現時管治覆轍
如今中央政府已承諾2017年可以實行普選，各方也正就政改方案爭拗得如火如荼，但不能否認的是，單靠普選行政長官並不能解決所有問題。若特首必須由非政黨中人出任，即代表香港不容許政黨政治，即使落實普選，仍可能出現一系列問題，包括﹕
二、無法培養足夠政治人才——政界名言曰﹕政治人才是要在政治鬥爭中培訓的，而香港目前最缺乏的，正正是懂得面對公眾、爭取公眾支持的政治人才，這些人才不會在普選特首後就突然湧現的，也需要時間去磨煉。
單有普選，但政治制度不改，管治不可能改善，不單可能重蹈現時政府的覆轍，甚至可能較現時更差。屆時反對民主之士自會以此為藉口，借勢攻擊香港根本不適合推行民主，把香港再次推向政爭的泥漿摔角中。
縱觀其他推行普選的國家或地區的經驗，落實普選後，政黨政治根本不可能避免，亦只有這樣，有效管治才有機會落實，香港也不例外。普選特首只是政改的第一步，下一步應該是容許特首由政黨代表出任，行政機關才可得到立法會的穩定支持；政治人才只能從政治鬥爭中培訓，政黨就是最佳培訓場所；特首當選後不再是一人單槍匹馬走入政府，而是帶同自己在政黨內早已「埋班」的團隊，共同組成內閣成為執政黨。這才是民主制度應走之路。
香港政黨目前四分五裂，在可見將來不論是建制派還是泛民，都難以出現一個獨當一面、可以一力執政的政黨，因此，不論是建制派還是泛民贏出特首選舉，都勢必要聯同其他政黨合組聯合政府，才有機會在立法會取得穩定多數。這將衍生更多的問題﹕
香港的政治光譜分成兩條主軸，一是政治意識形態，二是經濟民生，若由泛民與建制派組成聯盟（例如民主黨加工聯會），雙方在經濟民生立場上較為接近（如最低工資、輸入外勞等），但在政治立場上卻南轅北轍，雙方如何協調？即使由建制派組成執政聯盟（如民建聯、工聯會、經民聯等），也不代表沒有問題，它們在政治主軸上自然立場一致，但在經濟民生主軸上的主張同樣「火星撞地球」。
這些問題看似難解，但並非無法調和。政治學者方志恒就提出，外國經驗告訴我們，有效組成聯盟政府的關鍵，是需要在立法會掌握基本多數（Simple majority），多數聯盟應該能夠在主要政策上達成共識，並簽署聯盟協議，列明共同支持的政綱，但同時應加入「agree to disagree」條款，令參與政黨可說明在個別議題上持不同意立場，盡力做到「求同存異」。
黨派應放下歧見 談判桌共商前路
今天來談這些建議看似遙遠，但其實普選距今已經不遠，普選後的世界該如何運作，各黨各派好應放開政治歧見，走到談判桌前，認真商議。中央政府、特區政府、建制派還是泛民各方政治力量都必須認清一個事實﹕若不想香港的管治繼續爛下去，普選是必由之路；若要普選後的管治成功，政黨政治不能避免；若要政黨政治成功，今天就要開始籌備。
Editorial
Effective government and multi-party system
Effective government and multi-party system
MANY WAYS of
running Hong Kong have been tried since it reverted to Chinese sovereignty
sixteen years ago, but the Tung Chee-hwa and Donald Tsang administrations were
mired in difficulty, as is the Leung Chun-ying administration. The reason is
simple. Hong Kong is such a highly open society and civil society is so mature
here that the problem of the government's lack of a mandate will remain unless
universal suffrage is introduced.
The central government has promised that Hong Kong
people will begin to have universal suffrage in 2017, and heated debates about
constitutional reform plans have gone on. However, there is no denying that it
is impossible to solve all problems by having the Chief Executive (CE) elected
by universal suffrage. If the CE must belong to no political party, a
multi-party system is not permissible in Hong Kong. Problems including the
following will then arise even if universal suffrage is introduced:
(1) that it will remain the case that the
government has powers but lacks votes;
(2) that sufficient capable politicians cannot be trained
up; and
(3) that no effective ruling team can be formed.
Even if Hong Kong people have universal suffrage,
government will not improve so long as its constitutional system remains unchanged.
Not only may blunders be made that are similar to those the incumbent
administration has made, but things may become even worse than they are too.
Then, those who are against democracy will use that as a pretext for asserting
that Hong Kong is not fit to have democracy, and the SAR will again be plunged
into a bog of political rows.
It is clear from what has happened in places where
people enjoy universal suffrage that introducing universal suffrage
necessitates instituting a multi-party system. Only if that is done in a place
can it be governed effectively. Hong Kong is no exception. It is only the first
step in Hong Kong's constitutional reform to introduce universal suffrage. The
next step is to allow people belonging to political parties to stand for CE.
Only then will the executive have steady support in the legislature. Political
skills can only be gained in political struggles, and political parties are the
best training centres. Then, the person elected CE will not be on his own in
the government. He will bring with him a team he has put together in his own
party. This is the road to democracy Hong Kong should follow.
Political parties are now very much divided in Hong
Kong. In the foreseeable future, no pro-establishment or pro-democracy party
will emerge that alone can undertake the task of running the SAR. The party
that wins a CE election must, whether it is pro-establishment or pro-democracy,
form a coalition with another. Only then will the administration have a steady
majority in the Legislative Council.
Dr Brian Fong, a political scientist, suggests that
what has happened elsewhere tells us a simple majority in the legislature is
the key to an effective coalition.
It seems too early to talk about such matters, but
a universal-suffrage election is in fact around the corner. How will the world
work after that election? The parties must set their political differences
aside and come to the conference table to have serious discussions of that
question. The central government, the SAR government, the pro-establishment
camp and the pro-democracy camp must come to realise that they must embrace
universal suffrage if they do not want government to continue to worsen in the
SAR, that a multi-party system is indispensable for the successful government
of the SAR after the introduction of universal suffrage and that preparations
must begin today if we want Hong Kong's multi-party system to prove a success.
明報社評2013.11.18﹕有效管治離不開政黨政治
如今中央政府已承諾2017年可以實行普選，各方也正就政改方案爭拗得如火如荼，但不能否認的是，單靠普選行政長官並不能解決所有問題。若特首必須由非政黨中人出任，即代表香港不容許政黨政治，即使落實普選，仍可能出現一系列問題，包括﹕
一、政府有權無票。
二、無法培養足夠政治人才。
三、無法建立有效執政團隊。
單有普選，但政治制度不改，管治不可能改善，不單可能重蹈現時政府的覆轍，甚至可能較現時更差。屆時反對民主之士自會以此為藉口，借勢攻擊香港根本不適合推行民主，把香港再次推向政爭的泥漿摔角中。
縱觀其他推行普選的國家或地區的經驗，落實普選後，政黨政治根本不可能避免，亦只有這樣，有效管治才有機會落實，香港也不例外。普選特首只是政改的第一步，下一步應該是容許特首由政黨代表出任，行政機關才可得到立法會的穩定支持；政治人才只能從政治鬥爭中培訓，政黨就是最佳培訓場所；特首當選後不再是一人單槍匹馬走入政府，而是帶同自己在政黨內早已「埋班」的團隊，共同組成內閣成為執政黨。這才是民主制度應走之路。
香港政黨目前四分五裂，在可見將來不論是建制派還是泛民，都難以出現一個獨當一面、可以一力執政的政黨，因此，不論是建制派還是泛民贏出特首選舉，都勢必要聯同其他政黨合組聯合政府，才有機會在立法會取得穩定多數。
政治學者方志恒提出，外國經驗告訴我們，有效組成聯盟政府的關鍵，是需要在立法會掌握基本多數（Simple majority）。
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