<轉載自2014年7月30日 明報 社評>
中共中央決定立案審查前任政治局常委周永康,新華社的報道指他涉嫌嚴重違紀,不過,未披露違紀涉及哪些方面,因此,周案在中共黨內怎樣處理、是否涉及違反法律,仍待觀察。不過,周永康這隻大老虎被扳倒,對於中共內部和官場,意義重大,若日後公布案情時周案與貪腐有關,則總書記習近平雷厲風行反貪腐、整飭吏治的聲勢,將因而大漲,會進一步獲得民間認同和支持。
立案審查政治局常委 中共建政65年首次
周永康落馬,對於中共官場之震撼,起碼有兩方面重要意義。
首先,歷來中共官場有不成文潛規則,就是刑不上大夫,只要晉身政治局常委,就等於有了免死金牌,即使涉及的經濟問題多嚴重,也可以全身而退,不會被追究;因此,中共建政65年以來(文革期間因政治鬥爭而涉及的刑案除外),並無政治局常委因為貪腐被審查以至法辦,周永康的案件,可謂開創了先河,說明無論職位多高,都不會成為一個人的保護傘。
其次,周永康退下來之後被審查,即是說已經退休的一眾前任政治局常委,只要他們曾有貪腐情事,以往認為可以安寢的想法,因為周案而起了根本轉變;因為已有先例,若中紀委要辦就變得順理成章,可能遇到的阻撓會大大減少,就看辦與不辦而已。由此觀之,曾涉及貪腐情事的官員,將會如坐針氈。
有意見認為,周永康的遭遇,或許會滋長霸位掌權、以求自保的政治生態,使中共內部權力鬥爭更尖銳。中共高層權力組成與分配,從來透明度都極低,無從一窺堂奧,若周案觸動日後中共權位佈局爭逐,外間也是蒙在鼓裏;不過,假若中共高層發展到為免於追究貪腐而權鬥,則這樣的執政黨距離被人民唾棄之日,也不遠矣!其實,政治局常委涉及貪污腐敗,卻在退休後才可給予懲治,若這個同屬潛規則,也大大不妥;若常委任內被揭發貪腐,就即時被審查處理,則中共推動廉政的決心,就上升到更高層次了。
周永康在石油系統工作超過30年,2002年起執掌中央政法系統之前,曾主政四川3年,他在石油系統、政法系統以至地方網絡,都有盤根錯節的關係,加上周永康被認為屬於前任總書記江澤民的派系,周案之實質和偵辦之複雜程度,難以想像。2012年3月薄熙來被停職審查前後,周永康與薄案扯上關係,雖無確切證據,但是周與薄被指謀劃的一些動作,曾經喧揚一時,昨日新華社有關周永康被立案審查的報道,只是直呼其名,並未稱為「周永康同志」,新華社的處理,是否折射出一些信息,尚待觀察。
去年北京「兩會」之後,有關周永康涉案的消息,一度沉寂下來,官方對網上流傳的信息,都予刪除,當時的社會氛圍,予人有周案辦不下去之感,現在周永康被立案審查,可以消解一些人的聯想。有人認為,蒐證需時才是周案遲遲未能公布的真正原因,因為當局肯定薄熙來案庭審公開之舉,今後對重大貪官的處置都要訴諸法律,即是以法律手段反腐敗。周案要進入司法程序,要公開庭審,就必須把人證、物證落實,這就需要時間,云云。當然,大家都期望這個說法符合事實,若因為打大老虎而牽動政局,對中共與國家都絕對不是好事。
約兩年前,習近平全面掌權後,多次論及反貪腐問題,積極打擊貪官污吏,由地方領導以至中央層級官員,已經有相當一批因而落馬,不過,習近平所說「老虎蒼蠅一起打」,因為周永康已經成為人們心目中認知的老虎,卻遲遲未見有動靜,直到今年6月,前任軍委副主席徐才厚涉嫌貪腐,被開除黨籍處分,移送檢察機關依法處理,到昨日立案審查周永康,才使人相信習近平的豪言壯語,並非徒具虛言。
反貪腐不宜搞運動 建立制度才可持久
最近兩年,由於習近平致力反貪腐,內地官場無可否認冒起了新氣象,不過,目前出現的變化會否持續下去,仍在未知之數。現在颳起的反貪腐風,仍然不脫中共搞運動的模式,若無相應制度建設,則一陣風吹過之後,會否打回原形,是備受關注的問題;另外,內地貪官可謂舉目皆是,現在他們處於人心惶惶景況,會否影響施政甚至政權穩定,是不能忽視的問題。主持反貪腐工作的王岐山承認,現在是以治標來換取反貪腐的治本空間,不過,迄今仍未看到習近平在反貪腐制度建設方面,提出過什麼具體構思,這是內地反貪腐的短缺。習近平、王岐山若要在肅貪倡廉建功立業,就必須進行制度建設,用制度解決貪腐,單靠個別領導人的意志,不但反貪腐難以持久,廉政建設更不知從何說起。
Fall of Zhou Yongkang
THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE of the
Communist Party of China (CPC) has decided to place the case of Zhou Yongkang
(who sat on the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC)) on file for investigation.
A Xinhua story says Zhou is suspected of serious irregularities, but it is
silent as to what they involve. Therefore, it remains to be seen how the CPC
will deal with the case and whether it has to do with any illegalities.
Zhou's
fall will send shock waves through officialdom on the mainland. It is
significant in at least two ways.
First,
it has long been an unwritten, implicit rule of officialdom on the mainland
that "councillors" enjoy impunity. In other words, a member of the
PSC has a "gold medal of which the bearer may not be put to death" —
he may get away unscathed with any pecuniary irregularities, however serious
they may be. One may say the Zhou case is the first of its kind. It shows an
official's position does not serve to shield him, however high it may be.
Second,
Zhou had retired when the probe into his irregularities began. Retired PSC
members used to suppose they could rest in peace even if they had received
bribes or embezzled money. They may no longer do so because of the Zhou case,
which will be followed as a precedent. Officials who have been involved in
corruption will be on tenterhooks.
Since
he took the helm about two years ago, Xi Jinping has repeatedly talked about
combating corruption and ordered vigorous crackdowns on corrupt officials.
Quite a few locality leaders and central government officials have therefore
been toppled. Xi has said, "Both flies and tigers must be caught."
However, though much time had elapsed, nothing had been done to Zhou, who is generally
taken to be a "tiger". Last June former Vice Chairman of the Central
Military Commission Xu Caihou was expelled from the CPC for corruption, and his
case was referred to the procuratorial authorities so that it would be dealt
with according to the law. Yesterday it transpired that the Zhou case had been
put on file for investigation. Now people believe Xi's bold utterances are not
just talk.
There
is no denying that officialdom on the mainland has taken on a new aspect
because Xi devotes himself to combating corruption. However, nobody can tell whether
changes
that have taken place will persist. The CPC has raised an anti-corruption storm the way it
launches political movements. Will things revert to what they were when the
storm is over unless an appropriate system is in place? That is a serious
concern. On the mainland, corrupt officials are everywhere in sight. Now they
all jitter. Will that adversely affect government and even undermine the
regime's security? This is a question not to be overlooked. Wang Qishan
(who is in charge of fighting corruption) has admitted that the authorities now
take stopgap measures to make it possible to root out corruption. However, Xi
has yet to come up with any concrete ideas about instituting a system against
corruption. In this the mainland authorities' anti-corruption efforts are
deficient. If Xi and Wang desire to achieve anything in combating corruption
and promoting "clean-handedness", they must put in place a suitable
system and use it to root out corruption. Anti-corruption efforts cannot
possibly be sustained by virtue of some leaders' will.
大老虎周永康落馬 打破刑不上大夫潛規則
中共中央決定立案審查前任政治局常委周永康,新華社的報道指他涉嫌嚴重違紀,不過,未披露違紀涉及哪些方面,因此,周案在中共黨內怎樣處理、是否涉及違反法律,仍待觀察。
周永康落馬,對於中共官場之震撼,起碼有兩方面重要意義。
首先,歷來中共官場有不成文潛規則,就是刑不上大夫,只要晉身政治局常委,就等於有了免死金牌,即使涉及的經濟問題多嚴重,也可以全身而退,不會被追究。周永康的案件,可謂開創了先河,說明無論職位多高,都不會成為一個人的保護傘。
其次,周永康退下來之後被審查。即是說已經退休的一眾前任政治局常委,只要他們曾有貪腐情事,以往認為可以安寢的想法,因為周案而起了根本轉變;因為已有先例,曾涉及貪腐情事的官員,將會如坐針氈。
約兩年前,習近平全面掌權後,多次論及反貪腐問題,積極打擊貪官污吏,由地方領導以至中央層級官員,已經有相當一批因而落馬,不過,習近平所說「老虎蒼蠅一起打」,因為周永康已經成為人們心目中認知的老虎,卻遲遲未見有動靜,直到今年6月,前任軍委副主席徐才厚涉嫌貪腐,被開除黨籍處分,移送檢察機關依法處理,到昨日立案審查周永康,才使人相信習近平的豪言壯語,並非徒具虛言。
最近兩年,由於習近平致力反貪腐,內地官場無可否認冒起了新氣象,不過,目前出現的變化會否持續下去,仍在未知之數。現在颳起的反貪腐風,仍然不脫中共搞運動的模式,若無相應制度建設,則一陣風吹過之後,會否打回原形,是備受關注的問題;另外,內地貪官可謂舉目皆是,現在他們處於人心惶惶景況,會否影響施政甚至政權穩定,是不能忽視的問題。主持反貪腐工作的王岐山承認,現在是以治標來換取反貪腐的治本空間,不過,迄今仍未看到習近平在反貪腐制度建設方面,提出過什麼具體構思,這是內地反貪腐的短缺。習近平、王岐山若要在肅貪倡廉建功立業,就必須進行制度建設,用制度解決貪腐,單靠個別領導人的意志,反貪腐難以持久。