<轉載自2021年7月1日 明報 社評>
百載幻變,滄海桑田。中共成立100周年,在中國現代化道路上,擔當了最重要的推動角色,過程中不乏挫折,也走過很多崎嶇彎路,最終帶領國家實現全面小康,堅持實事求是、力求自我完善,應該是最重要的歷史經驗總結。中共「兩個百年目標」,全面建成小康社會是其一,下一個目標,是立國百載建成社會主義現代化強國,這是更為艱巨的任務,中共面對內外重重挑戰,更要不斷自我革新,完善反腐制度建設。中國現代化,有別於西方主張的模式,中共強調要有道路自信、制度自信,賢能政治建設,取得一定成績,然而要成為社會主義現代化強國,民主政治建設必不可少,這是國家未來必須致力的方向。
中共建黨百年 顛覆西方認知
中共建黨百載,百年間的種種發展和變化,不斷顛覆西方的認知和想像。西方多年來一直認為,共產主義體制無法自我完善,不可持續,1991年蘇聯敗亡,進一步強化了這一觀點,東歐共產世界瓦解,其他共產政權亦將退出歷史舞台,一度成為西方主流看法,現實發展卻是另一回事。
中共長期執政,自身亦在不斷演化,西方評論習慣從政體角度,以「民主對獨裁」的靜態框架,看待非西方世界的政治狀况,理解不了的事情,就約化為權力鬥爭,正是這種視角盲點,容易令人忽略中共和中國的動態政治發展。在西方,政黨為選舉而生,然而中共並不是這樣的政黨。中共作為執政黨,除了制訂國家發展方向,亦是一個吸納、培訓、提拔管治精英的系統,肩負社會組織動員的角色,中共黨員近億,足與一個大國的人口相提並論,正是一個具體反映,只用西方「侍從理論」利益交換角度審視,就會忽略這些面向,也無法深入了解中國抗疫為何如此高效。
19世紀中葉以降,中國面對西方列強侵略,整部中國近代史,就是追求自強自立現代化的進程,中共百年歷史,必須放在這一框架審視。歷史進程沒有必然,但進路選擇卻受到各種客觀條件制約,百多年間,中國試過不同進路,由「中學為體、西學為用」,到君主立憲、共和政體,最後取得成功的卻是共產革命,關鍵在於當年中共能夠因應情勢,實事求是,以廣大農民而非工人階級為革命主體,沒有墨守馬克思主義教條。
中共執政大半個世紀,成就要肯定,錯誤要承認。中共建政頭30年,在推進國家現代化的道路上,受極左意識形態影響,走過不少歧途,文革是最大錯誤;六四鎮壓暴烈不合理,一日不平反,始終欠歷史一個公道。不過話說回來,隨着中共逐步摸索出一條務實可行的現代化進路,這幾十年中國發展之快,確實叫人刮目相看。當年鄧小平提出全面建成小康社會,時至今日,全國脫貧目標基本已達,10多億人擺脫貧困,絕對是一項史無前例的成就,對全球滅貧事業亦是重大貢獻。「兩個百年目標」已達其一,然而實現民族復興,前面尚有一段艱難道路要走,建政百年完成建設社會主義現代化強國,不能視作理所當然,成功與否,很視乎中共自我完善的能力。
過去10多年,「中國模式」備受議論,中共強調中國特色社會主義,不走西方道路,要有制度自信。有學者認為,中共成功將新加坡開國領袖李光耀主張的賢能政治發揚光大,是關鍵所在。《經濟學人》政治主編伍德列特(Adrian Wooldridge)最近一篇文章便提到,西方過去的成功,是因為能夠將賢能政治與民主政治有機結合,可是近年卻出現民粹政治排擠賢能政治的傾向,對此深以為憂。
實事求是成功之道 務實革新不能停步
中共在賢能政治建設方面,無疑取得一定成績,習近平上台以來大力反腐,無論是懲治貪官還是反腐制度建設,都有建樹,對於黨的淨化非常重要,然而反腐是無休止的事業,現在說取得「壓倒勝利」,為時尚早。絕對權力易生腐敗是政治鐵律,中國幅員廣大,單靠從嚴治黨自我淨化並不足夠,必須有更強的輿論監督。賢能政治與民主政治並非互相排斥,可以相輔相成,建設社會主義現代化強國,民主建設是其中一部分,即使不走西方模式,依然需要推進。
在香港,很多人對中共和國家認識不深,一些認知和觀點,仍然停留在數十年前,有人樂於接受片面資訊,有人則因為不明白內地想法,將很多國策方針統統看成政治口號。舉例說,「人類命運共同體」,其實是基於中國傳統「天下」思想的國際秩序觀,大國與小國各有相應權利和責任,儒家色彩甚重,然而很多人只把這7個字當成空洞無物的名詞;有些人認為中國早已奉行「國家資本主義」,「社會主義」不過是空招子,這種想法,容易忽略了中共在制約資本方面的決心,近半年中央整治科網巨企壟斷情况,力度之大,在資本主義社會難以想像,僅僅視之為權力鬥爭,便無法理解全貌。
回首中共百年歷史,若要歸納出一個最重要的歷史經驗,那就是必須實事求是,不斷自我淨化和革新。中共未有重蹈蘇共覆轍,關鍵在於務實求變,不管黑貓白貓,捉到老鼠就是好貓,改革開放賴此成功,一國兩制同樣亦是務實主義下的產物。務實造就彈性,彈性容許變通,中央處理香港事務,堅持務實方針,容許更多彈性,對於一國兩制行穩致遠,必有莫大裨益。
Anti-corruption drive does not conflict with democracy
A hundred years have passed, and everything has changed beyond recognition. As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) commemorates its centenary, there have been all kinds of development and changes over the past hundred years. For many years, the West has believed that a communist system is not capable of self-improvement, nor will it be sustainable. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 further strengthened this view. As the communist bloc in Eastern Europe collapsed, the mainstream view of the West was that other communist regimes would also fade into oblivion. But in reality, things have developed in another way. China's modernisation has been different from the model advocated by the West. The CCP emphasises the need to be confident about its own path and systems. However, for China to become a powerful modern socialist country, democratic political construction is still indispensable. This is a goal the country must work towards in the future.
In the West, a political party's raison d'être is elections. The CCP is not such a political party. Since the mid-nineteenth century, China has faced aggression from Western powers. The entire history of modern China has been about the pursuit of self-improvement, independence and modernisation. The 100-year history of the CCP must be examined in this context. History does not necessarily develop in a particular way, but the range of choice is restricted by all kinds of objective situations. For more than a century, China has tried different approaches from "Applying Western knowledge on the basis of Chinese knowledge" to a constitutional monarchy to republicanism. The CCP has been in power for more than half a century. Its achievements should be recognised, but it must be admitted that the CCP has made mistakes. Over the first 30 years after its establishment, an ultra-left ideology took hold of the party when it was trying to put China on a road to modernisation. It went into the wrong directions multiple times. The Cultural Revolution was the biggest mistake. The violent June Fourth crackdown was unreasonable. The June Fourth Incident will remain a historical injustice until it is rehabilitated. Over more than a decade, the "China model" has met with controversies, but the CCP has emphasised socialism with Chinese characteristics and that it will not follow the path of the West but must have confidence about its systems.
The CCP has undoubtedly made some sorts of achievements in building a meritocratic political system. Corrupt officials have been punished, and an anti-corruption system has been built. However, anti-corruption is an endless undertaking, and it is too early to claim an "overwhelming victory". Absolute power corrupts easily, and this is an irrefutable law in politics. Given the vast territory of China, the self-purification of the CCP alone is inadequate. More powerful supervision by way of public opinion is necessary. Meritocracy and democracy do not conflict with each other. They can complement each other. Democratic building should be part of the building of a modern and powerful socialist country. In Hong Kong, many people lack a deep understanding of the CCP and China. Some of their perceptions and points of view remain decades-old. Some people are too willing to accept one-sided information. Some people do not understand the ideas of the mainland authorities and regard many national policies as only political slogans. Over the past six months, the central government has rectified the monopoly of technological giants and Internet companies with a kind of vigour unimaginable in a capitalist society.
Pragmatism breeds flexibility, and flexibility makes adaptations possible. When handling Hong Kong matters, adherence to a pragmatic approach and allowing more flexibility will certainly be of great benefit to the stable and sustainable implementation of "One Country, Two Systems".
中共反腐路無盡 賢治民主不相悖
百載幻變,滄海桑田。中共成立100周年。中共建黨百載,百年間有種種發展和變化。西方多年來一直認為,共產主義體制無法自我完善,不可持續,1991年蘇聯敗亡,進一步強化了這一觀點,東歐共產世界瓦解,其他共產政權亦將退出歷史舞台,一度成為西方主流看法,現實發展卻是另一回事。中國現代化,有別於西方主張的模式,中共強調要有道路自信、制度自信,然而要成為社會主義現代化強國,民主政治建設必不可少,這是國家未來必須致力的方向。
在西方,政黨為選舉而生,然而中共並不是這樣的政黨。19世紀中葉以降,中國面對西方列強侵略,整部中國近代史,就是追求自強自立現代化的進程,中共百年歷史,必須放在這一框架審視。歷史進程沒有必然,但進路選擇卻受到各種客觀條件制約,百多年間,中國試過不同進路,由「中學為體、西學為用」,到君主立憲、共和政體。中共執政大半個世紀,成就要肯定,錯誤要承認。中共建政頭30年,在推進國家現代化的道路上,受極左意識形態影響,走過不少歧途,文革是最大錯誤;六四鎮壓暴烈不合理,一日不平反,始終欠歷史一個公道。過去10多年,「中國模式」備受議論,中共強調中國特色社會主義,不走西方道路,要有制度自信。
中共在賢能政治建設方面,無論是懲治貪官還是反腐制度建設,都有建樹,然而反腐是無休止的事業,現在說取得「壓倒勝利」,為時尚早。絕對權力易生腐敗是政治鐵律,中國幅員廣大,單靠從嚴治黨自我淨化並不足夠,必須有更強的輿論監督。賢能政治與民主政治並非互相排斥,可以相輔相成,建設社會主義現代化強國,民主建設是其中一部分。在香港,很多人對中共和國家認識不深,一些認知和觀點,仍然停留在數十年前,有人樂於接受片面資訊,有人則因為不明白內地想法,將很多國策方針統統看成政治口號。近半年中央整治科網巨企壟斷情况,力度之大,在資本主義社會難以想像。
務實造就彈性,彈性容許變通,中央處理香港事務,堅持務實方針,容許更多彈性,對於一國兩制行穩致遠,必有莫大裨益。